United States Congressional investigation of UC

updated April 9, 2020

1. Fraser Report – Conclusions and Recommendations (1978)
2. Michael Warder comment
3. Moonie “Dirty Tricks” against Donald Fraser, MinPost 2012
4. The Mysterious Death of Robert Boettcher in 1984, New York Times
5. Congressional Information Meeting on Cults 1979
6. Fraser Report: Summaries of Representative Documents including FBI Reports,
.   State Department Memoranda, KCFF Minutes, etc.
7. Bo Hi Pak and the KCFF scam – and Sun Myung Moon’s ROFA scam
8. Bo Hi Pak and the “Unification Church Pension Fund International”
9. Minions and Master
10. Gifts of Deceit book review by Allen Tate Wood

United States Congressional investigation of the Unification Church


Report of the Subcommittee on International Organizations
of the
Committee on International Relations
United States House of Representatives

The Moon Organization

Relations with the Park Chung Hee Government
In the late 1950’s, Moon’s message was favorably received by four young, English-speaking Korean Army officers, all of whom were later to provide important contacts with the post-1961 Korean Government. One was Pak Bo Hi, who had joined the ROK Army in 1950. Han Sang Keuk (aka Bud Han), a follower of Moon’s since the late 1950’s, became a personal assistant to Kim Jong Pil, the architect of the 1961 coup and founder of the KCIA. Kim Sang In (Steve Kim) retired from the ROK Army in May 1961, joined the KCIA and became an interpreter for Kim Jong Pil. He continued as a close personal aide to Kim Jong Pil until 1966. At that time, Steve Kim returned to his position as KCIA officer, later to become the KCIA’s chief of station in Mexico City. He was a close friend of Pak Bo Hi and a supporter of the UC. The fourth, Han Sang Kil, was a military attaché at the ROK Embassy in Washington in the late 1960’s. Executive branch reports also linked him to the KCIA. On leaving the service of the ROK Government, Han became Moon’s personal secretary and tutor to his children.

In the period immediately after the coup, Kim Jong Pil founded the KCIA and supervised the building of a political base for the new regime. A February 1963 unevaluated CIA report stated that Kim Jong Pil had “organized” the UC while he was KCIA director and had been using the UC “as a political tool.”

UC spokesmen claimed that the February 1963 report could not be accurate, since, as noted earlier, Moon started the UC’s predecessor, HSA-UWC, in 1954, before Kim Jong Pil came to power. The term “organized as used in the report is inaccurate to the extent that it is equivalent to “founded” or suggests that Kim Jong Pil began the Moon movement. However, as described elsewhere, the UC took many forms and names and was constantly undergoing organizational changes.

Furthermore, there was a great deal of independent corroboration for the suggestion in this and later intelligence reports that Kim Jong Pil and the Moon Organization carried on a mutually supportive relationship, as well as for the statement that Kim used the UC for political purposes. As the Park regime consolidated its power, Moon found himself with well-placed contacts in the new government. As just noted, two ROK Army officers, Steve Kim (Kim Sang In) and Bud Han (Han Sang Keuk), had been along with Pak Bo Hi, supporters and proselytizers for the UC even before the 1961 coup.

Shortly after the coup, these two army officers, both fluent in English, became aides to Kim Jong Pil and, in their capacity as interpreters, became closely associated with other ROK government officials as well. Bud Han, for example, served as translator during Park Chung Hee’s meeting with President Kennedy in November 1961. Steve Kim accompanied Kim Jong Pil on a tour of the United States in 1962, which was arranged by the U.S. Government. Pak Bo Hi was a Korean embassy escort officer during part of Kim’s tour.

The Subcommittee obtained a copy of Kim Jong Pil’s itinerary for that 1962 trip, which showed that Steve Kim was part of the entourage which toured the United States, meeting numerous U.S. officials. While in San Francisco, Kim Jong Pil stayed at the St. Francis Hotel. There he met secretly with a small group of UC members, who were among Moon’s earliest followers in the United States. The subcommittee staff spoke to a person present at the meeting between the UC members and Kim Jong Pil, who recalled that Kim told UC members he would give their movement political support in Korea, though he could not afford to do so openly. A former U.S. official who accompanied Kim during his stay in San Francisco corroborated the story about the private meeting.

Added information

My Testimony to the Work of the Spirit by Byung Sook Lim (Wife of Ambassador Sang Kook Han / Bud Han) – December 1985
In 1956 I married my husband, Ambassador Sang Kook Han, and we had our first child in 1957…Around that time my husband was being witnessed to by Col. Bo Hi Pak and Dr. Young Oon Kim and was attending Principle lectures…my husband, like me, was not a particularly religious person…One morning…three elderly ladies came with Dr. Young Oon Kim…At that time my husband was an aide-de-camp to the commander in chief of the United Nations command…My husband’s being an aide to the American general allowed him special relations with General Paik.
…Blessing of the 36 Couples and we were to be included…All the 36 Couples have fully dedicated their lives to the movement in full-time missions. But my husband was told by Father to remain in government service, and he did so until the end of 1983. He was the Korean ambassador to Norway and Iceland for four and a half years and ambassador to Panama for three years. It is my opinion that Father advised him to stay in government service so long in hopes that he could establish a positive relationship with the Korean government.

LINK to tparents.org

Moon Organization and ROK Government use and control of the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation
Ties to Kim Jong Pil and other ROK officials helped the Moon Organization take control of the KCFF and use it for the mutual benefit of Moon and the Government. From the early 1960’s through 1978, KCFF served as an important link between the Moon Organization and the ROK Government.

The earliest U.S. Government reports linking the KCFF with the Moon Organization were in late 1964 and early 1965, when Pak Bo Hi was in Korea after resigning from the ROK Army in order to work full-time for the foundation.
One report in December 1964 identified Pak Bo Hi as “the real leader” of KCFF and correctly predicted that he would soon return to Washington to work for the foundation. The report noted Bud Han and Pak’s efforts to establish the KCFF, which was to be “the first step toward organizing Tong-il in Washington.” In January 1965, another report stated that Kim Jong Pil had been using the UC “since 1961.” It also stated that Steve Kim (Kim Jong Pil’s interpreter) was connected with the UC and that Bud Han had requested help for the UC from a Korean Government official.

The three Kim Jong Pil aides who were active in the early days of the KCFF–Bud Han, Steve Kim and Mickey Kim–all went on to assume more prominent roles in the Government. Steve Kim joined the KCIA, where he served for a time as liaison to the U.S. CIA. While KCIA station chief in Mexico City, he made frequent trips to Washington, and there was reason to believe that Steve Kim was Tongsun Park’s “control officer” in the KCIA. Pak Bo Hi acknowledged having a close friendship with Steve Kim and said that Kim was an early supporter of the UC. Kim frequently assisted the KCFF. Bud Han was later to become ROK Ambassador to Norway.

The relationship between the Moon Organization and the ROK Government is a dynamic one, changing over time. The Organization’s close relationship with Kim Jong Pil and the positions held by Steve Kim and Bud Han in the Korean Government provided continuous access to influential officials, access Moon saw as necessary to attain his goals. Favors were granted to the Moon Organization by the Korean Government, and, in return, assistance was provided to ROK officials for the furtherance of government policies or for the personal benefit of the individuals involved.

Conclusions and Recommendations

Also known as the Fraser Report after the Subcommittee’s chairman, Donald M. Fraser.

Printed October 31, 1978, (excerpt from Part C: Investigative Findings, pp. 387-392).

The subcommittee findings regarding the Moon Organization may be summarized as follows:

(1) The UC and numerous other religious and secular organizations headed by Sun Myung Moon constitute essentially one international organization. This organization depends heavily upon the interchangeability of its components and upon its ability to move personnel and financial assets freely across international boundaries and between businesses and nonprofit organizations.

(2) The Moon Organization attempts to achieve goals outlined by Sun Myung Moon, who has substantial control over the economic, political, and spiritual activities undertaken by the organization in pursuit of those goals.

(3) Among the goals of the Moon Organization is the establishment of a worldwide government in which the separation of church and state would be abolished and which would be governed by Moon and his followers.

(4) In pursuit of this and other goals, the Moon Organization has attempted, with varying degrees of success, to gain control over or establish business and other secular institutions in the United States and elsewhere, and has engaged in political activities in the United States. Some of these activities were undertaken to benefit the ROK Government or otherwise to influence U.S. foreign policy.

(5) While pursuing its own goals, the Moon Organization promoted the interests of the ROK Government, and at times did so in cooperation with, or at the direction of, ROK agencies and officials. The Moon Organization maintained mutually beneficial ties with a number of Korean officials.

(6) The Moon Organization established the KCFF ostensibly as a non-profit foundation to promote Korean-American relations, but used the KCFF to promote its own political and economic interests and those of the ROK Government.

(7) The Moon Organization extensively used the names of Senators, Congressmen, U.S. Presidents, and other prominent Americans to raise funds and to create political influence for itself and the ROK Government.

(8) A Moon Organization business is an important defense contractor in Korea. It is involved in the production of M-16 rifles, antiaircraft guns, and other weapons.

(9) Moon Organization agents attempted to obtain permission from an American corporation to export M-16’s manufactured in Korea. The M-16’s are manufactured under a coproduction agreement approved by the U.S. Government, which puts M-16 production under the exclusive control of the Korean Government. Despite this, Moon Organization representatives appeared – apparently on behalf of the Korean Government – to negotiate an extension of the agreement.

(10) The Moon Organization attempted to obtain a controlling interest in the Diplomat National Bank by disguising the source of funds used to purchase stock in the names of UC members.

(12) The Moon Organization used church and other tax-exempt components in support of its political and economic activities.

(13) Although many of the goals and activities of the Moon Organization were legitimate and lawful, there was evidence that it had systematically violated U.S. tax, immigration, banking, currency, and Foreign Agents Registration Act laws, as well as State and local laws related to charity fund, and that these violations were related to the organization’s overall goals of gaining temporal power.

Despite the Moon Organization’s cooperative relationship with the ROK Government the UC was far less influential as a religious movement in Korea than elsewhere. A large proportion of the hundreds of Koreans interviewed in the course of the investigation said that they had never heard of Moon or the UC until the early or mid-1970’s, when their activities became widely publicized. In the United States, the UC appears to have had little success in attracting followers from the Korean community. Most Korean-Americans interviewed expressed varying degrees of embarrassment or hostility toward Moon and the UC; few saw them as a positive factor in Korean-American relations.

The subcommittee found that the Moon Organization has had a number of influential allies in the Korean Government, including Kim Jong Pil, Pak Chon Kyu, and others.

Although investigations and publicity in the 1976-78 period appear to have had an effect on the degree of influence Moon’s supporters had with the Korean Government, there were continuing indications that the Moon Organization retained significant support.

Many of the activities of the Moon Organization would not raise questions of impropriety if carried out openly and without violations of laws. The subcommittee does not fault the many Americans, Koreans, and others who identified themselves with Moon Organization-sponsored activities such as the Little Angels, or who shared the Moon Organization’s expressed concerns about communism and South Korean security.

However, the Moon Organization’s ulterior motives behind even its most benign activities tended to negate its positive contributions. For example, the Little Angels, a highly accomplished children’s dance group, undoubtedly improved the image of Koreans around the world and in particular contributed to the Americans’ understanding of Korean culture. The Korean Government’s decision to bar the Little Angels from traveling outside Korea was a loss for Korean-American relations. The demise of the little Angels as a touring group followed growing public awareness of its ties to Moon, who – after founding and quietly backing the group – increasingly used it to further his political and economic goals. In his own speeches to followers, Moon made it clear that the Little Angels, the annual science conference, and other seemingly philanthropic projects were in reality geared toward his ambitious and carefully thought plans for winning control and influence over political and other secular institutions.

Moon, like Tongsun Park, showed a keen understanding of the use of imagery in building political influence. Just as Tongsun Park used his close relationship with a few Congressmen to attract others, Moon used the names and pictures of prominent Americans, Japanese, Koreans, and others to create an image of power and respectability for himself and his movement. The multifaceted Moon Organization thereby obtained the help and cooperation of numerous Americans who had no idea they were contributing to Moon’s plan for world theocracy.

Like Tongsun Park and others who conducted pro-ROK influence activities in the United States, Moon and his organization acted from a mixture of motives and objectives. Service to Korea was combined with a desire to advance personal and organizational goals. Like Tongsun Park and others, Moon and his organization attempted to gain influence in Seoul through activities in the United States; to this end, the Moon Organization exaggerated its success in the United States to create influence in Korea and elsewhere. Thus, although the Moon Organization often acted for the ROK Government – even to the point of accepting money for its services – control and influence over Korean political institutions was no less a goal there than in the United States. In this respect, the Moon Organization was not an agent of influence for the ROK Government so much as it was a volatile factor in Korean-American relations, capable of distorting the perceptions each country held of the other.

In the United States, for example, Moon has aroused widespread antipathy. To the extent that his organization’s activities here are associated with Korea or the Korean Government, there is potential harm to Korean-American relations. Recent attempts by the ROK Government to dissociate itself from Moon seemed to recognize this problem. However, these attempts at dissociation came only in the context of a public controversy over Moon, investigations into Korean influence activities, and strained relations between the two countries.

The misuse of the names of prominent Americans by the KCFF was of concern to U.S. Government agencies as early as 1966. Much of the executive branch’s early awareness of Korean influence activities in the United Sates – including those of Tongsun Park – arose from State Department and congressional inquiries into KCFF publicity and fundraising activities. However, these activities were not then perceived to be linked to Moon. Later, when Moon’s activities generated publicity in the United Sates, there were numerous requests to the executive branch, as well as to the Congress and to State and local authorities, for information about Moon and for investigations of his organization’s activities. The response to these inquiries was fragment. Numerous investigations were launched by agencies such as the NEC, INS, and Department of Justice which involved one or another component of the Moon Organization. The subcommittee’s investigation led it to conclude that these investigations were justified and should continue. However, the subcommittee believes that these investigations will be inconclusive and redundant unless they are coordinated with each other and treated as an investigation of essentially one organization. The subcommittee concludes that the following objective could be met by combining investigative activities related to the Moon Organization into an interagency task force:

(1) Consideration could be given as to whether apparently unrelated immigration, FARA, currency, banking, and other violations were in furtherance of a common scheme or plan.

(2) All existing information bearing upon the same subjects could be brought together and analyzed; earlier investigations which failed to do this allowed improper influence activities to continue until they caused a major public scandal affecting Korean-American relations.

(3) Maximum resources could be employed toward tracing cash and obtaining evidence from outside the United States.

(4) Tax money could be saved by combining related investigations and eliminating duplication of effort.

Executive Branch Task Force

(1) The Department of Justice, the SEC, the IRS, and other executive branch agencies currently investigation allegations relating to Sun Myung Moon, Pak Bo Hi, the UC, the KCFF, and other individuals and organizations comprising the Moon Organization (as described in this report) should coordinate their efforts and form an interagency task force.

(2) In addition to continuing present investigations, the task force should address itself to the following issues:

(a) Whether there have been systemic and planned violations of U.S. immigration laws and regulations in connection with the importation of large numbers of foreign nationals for purposes of fundraising, political activities, and employment in the Moon Organization business enterprises.

(b) Whether there have been systematic and planned violations of U.S. currency and foreign exchange laws in connection with the movement of millions of dollars of cash and other financial assets into and out of the United States without complying with appropriate reporting requirements.

(c) Whether U.S. tax laws have been violated through large cash transfers to individuals which were characterized as loans.

(d) Whether tax-exempt organizations such as the Unification Church, Freedom Leadership Foundation, Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, and International Cultural Foundation, have engaged in political, business, and other activities inconsistent with their tax-exempt status; and whether these organizations are so closely affiliated with each other and with non-tax-exempt business and organizations so as to render them ineligible for tax-exempt status.

(e) Whether there have been systemic violations of the Foreign Agents Registration Act by the Moon Organization.

(f) Whether there have been violations of currency, immigration, banking and tax laws in connection with Moon Organization investments in the Diplomat National Bank and other businesses in the United States.

(g) Whether there have been instances of charity fraud, violations of currency and immigration laws, and abuse of tax-exempt status in connection with the Moon Organization’s control over the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation.

(h) Whether there have been attempts to violate, or violations of, the Arms Export Control Act in connection with the manufacture, sale, or attempted sale of M-16 rifles or other armaments by agents of the Moon Organization.

(3) The task force should use the resources of the following agencies: Department of Justice (including the FBI, Anti-Trust Division, and INS); Department of Treasure; Securities and Exchange Commission; Federal Reserve Board; Internal Revenue Service; and Department of State.

(4) The Department of State should assist the task force in attempting to obtain witnesses, financial data, and other cooperation from foreign governments, particularly Japan and South Korea.

(5) The task force should seen information from appropriate State and local governments and should make information available to State and local governments for use in appropriate proceedings involving enforcement of their laws.

The subcommittee also recommends that appropriate committees of the Congress review certain information pertaining to the Moon Organization. Current U.S. tax laws and regulations made it impractical for the subcommittee to examine the tax returns of such Moon Organization components as the Unification Church International, which was denied tax-exempt status by the IRS. However, there is reason to believe that taxable Moon Organization components derive tax advantages from transfers to tax-exempt components. Since both taxable and tax-exempt organizations are used interchangeably in the Moon Organization, such tax advantages would enable the Moon Organization to pyramid economic power and achieve a substantial advantage over competing organizations. The subcommittee therefore suggests a review by the House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee – which have access to tax returns – to determine whether transfers of funds within the Moon Organization raise issues which point to the need for legislation to prevent the abuse of tax-exempt status. More specifically, the subcommittee recommends that the House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee review the applications for tax-exempt status (where applicable) and the tax returns of Moon Organization entities, including: Unification Church; Freedom Leadership Foundation; Unification Church International; International Cultural Foundation; Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation; Tong-Il Enterprises; One-Way Productions; International Oceanic Enterprises; and News World Communications.

and determine whether:

(a) Income from abroad is properly reported.

(b) Deductions are taken by businesses for charitable contributions to tax-exempt organizations, the actual control of which is in the hands of the same persons and organizations in control of the businesses.

(c) New legislation or regulations are needed to prevent tax avoidance and pyramiding of economic power by means of recycling funds through an international organization, part of which is tax-exempt.

The subcommittee has also referred its findings to the Armed Services and Intelligence Committees of the House and Senate, and to the Munitions Control Board of the State Department, with the suggestion that more precise information be obtained without the Moon Organization’s role as a Korean defense contractor. During the investigation, the subcommittee found it very difficult to obtain reliable information about the extent to which Moon industries were involved in weapons production and sales. The Moon Organization has self-proclaimed goals of controlling political and secular institutions and a strident ideology which envisions the formation of a “Unification Crusade Army.” Moon’s speeches forsee an apocalyptic confrontation involving the united States, Russia, China, Japan, and North and South Korea, in which the Moon Organization would play a key role, Under these circumstances, the subcommittee believes it is in the interest of the United States to know what control Moon and his followers have over instruments of war and to what extent they are in a position to influence Korean defense policies.

Of particular concern is the Moon Organization’s involvement in the production and sale of M-16 rifles and other weapons provided to Korea under U.S. aid programs and subject to the Arms Export Control Act. In late 1977, Moon Organization representatives tried to renegotiate a coproduction agreement between Colt Industries and the ROK Government. The circumstances suggested they were secret envoys of the Korean Government which, under the coproduction agreement, has exclusive control over M-16 production. Although the ROK Government said it wanted to produce 300,000 extra M-16’s because of the need to equip its own forces, Moon Organization tried to get Colt’s agreement to export guns to third countries.

The subcommittee therefore recommends:

That the House International Relations Committee, the House Armed Services Committee, and the corresponding committee of the Senate ascertain whether businesses operated by the Moon Organization are engaging in the production or same of armaments supplied to the ROK Government through U.S. military aid programs, including co-production agreements. Information about the role played by Moon Organization industries in Korean defense production should be sought from the Appropriate U.S. defense and intelligence agencies.


Michael Warder
He was Secretary
 of the International Cultural Foundation and, in 1977, director of the Unification Church of America. He had an editorial position in News World Communications which published the UC New York newspaper, ‘The News World’ – later called ‘The New York Tribune’. (It closed in 1991.)
Michael Warder left the UC in 1979 and later testified against the Sun Myung Moon.

Michael Warder: “Moon wanted a whole series of articles going after poor Congressman Fraser, who was heading up the congressional investigations there. And so we would assign reporters to try and dig up all the dirt we could find on Congressman Fraser, and of course I would say to Moon, I said, ‘On one hand, we’re supposed to be doing this — but on the other hand, we’re competing with the New York Times. And so there’s matters of credibility here.’ And he would, you know, bluster and get angry at these kinds of things and say, ‘Just do what I’m ordering you to do and don’t ask so many questions,’ and that sort of thing. And of course Colonel Pak would reinforce these messages from Moon.”

Michael Warder Collection

Abstract: Files relating to Michael Warder’s participation in the Unification Church, mainly as editor of the New York based newspaper News World. Included are legal files relating to various activities of the church and its tax exempt status.

Moonie “Dirty Tricks” against Donald Fraser

By Iric Nathanson    09/06/2012   MinnPost

Editor’s note: Iric Nathanson was a staff assistant to former Rep. Don Fraser.

Rep. Don Fraser

During his long and controversial career, Sun Myung Moon used his cult-like Unification Church to amass a huge fortune for himself and his family.

Moon, who died earlier this month at the age of 92, was more than a charismatic cult leader. He also dabbled in international espionage through his links to the Korean Central Intelligence Agency and its covert activities in this country. Those links were the focus of an investigation conducted by Don Fraser during his final term as Minnesota’s 5th District congressman in the late 1970s.

Fraser spearheaded the investigation as chair of a House International Affairs Subcommittee. His congressional probe brought to light a huge South Korean influence-peddling scheme aimed at manipulating U.S. policy-making toward Korea.

The investigation implicated the Moonies, as they were known, and unleashed a furious personal assault on Fraser by Moon and his followers. The assault included a $30 million lawsuit, filed against the Fraser and his staff investigators, that was later dismissed.

But Moon’s agents did more than file frivolous lawsuits. In 1978, they sent their followers into Minnesota to sabotage the 5th District congressman’s 1978 campaign for an open U.S. Senate seat. There were even some dirty tricks in play when a shadowy investigator with ties to the Moonies tried to embarrass Fraser by claiming that he had inappropriately manipulated his congressional staff payroll.

And then there were rumors about a mysterious fire at the Fraser’s D.C. home, just days after his narrow loss to Robert Short in the Senate primary election.

In his 1980 account of the Fraser Subcommittee investigation, “Gifts of Deceit,” Robert Boettcher wrote about the Moonies’ unrelenting efforts to intimidate Fraser in an effort to thwart his investigation. Boettcher, who served as the subcommittee’s staff director, reported that Fraser was the target of a “nationwide propaganda barrage.”

“Letters went out to thousands of lawyers, clergyman and politicians,” Boettcher recalled. “They even went after Fraser’s wife and children. His wife, Arvonne, was described as fanatical left-wing feminist whose job at the State Department put her in a conflict of interest with her husband in Congress. They tried to make something sinister out of Fraser’s daughter’s participation in an anti-Vietnam War demonstration at the University of Minnesota.”

While Fraser and Boettcher never had direct dealings with Moon, they did have extensive contacts with two of his key operatives: Neil Salonen, who headed the Unification Church in the United States, and Bo Hi Pak, who ran a Washington, D.C., front group for Moon known as the Freedom Leadership Foundation.

In “Gifts of Deceit,” Boettcher wrote about a dramatic confrontation between Fraser and Pak at an April 11, 1978, congressional hearing where Pak called him “a tool of the devil.”

“You have nailed Reverend Moon’s name and the Unification Church to a cross. You have crucified us,” Pak shouted out to Fraser at one point during the hearing.

“Nonstop, he went on with the diatribe at accelerated speed. His voice became louder and louder,” Boettcher remembered. “He waved his arms vehemently. Near the breaking point, his voice trembled as he shouted with tears in his eyes: ‘You may get my scalp, Mr. Chairman, but never my heart and soul. My heart and soul belongs to God.”

Later that month, at another congressional hearing, Pak lashed out again at Fraser, this time calling him “a traitor, a second Benedict Arnold, and an enemy of this nation and of all free nations.”

“Bo Hi Pak, as ever the quintessential Moonie, intended to serve as a shield for Moon,” Boettcher noted. “Fraser’s volumes of interviews … financial records and intelligence reports were highly damaging to Moon’s image. But he [Pak] must not allow Fraser to drag the Master into the hearing room as he had been. If necessary, he would be the sacrificial animal at Fraser’s pagan rite.”

“With so much evidence pointing to Moon, however, Fraser reluctantly concluded that he should be questioned,” Boettcher noted.

When Moon’s attorney rebuffed Fraser’s effort to get the Unification Church leader to cooperate voluntarily with the House subcommittee, the Minnesota congressman prepared to issue a subpoena to compel Moon to testify. But just as the subpoena was about to be issued, Moon abruptly fled the country, flying to London [on Concorde on May 13, 1978] under a false name.

Fraser saw his own congressional career cut short with his loss in the 1978 DFL Senate primary. With that loss, his subcommittee’s investigation of the Unification Church and its link to the Korean CIA also came to an end.

Back in Korea, Moon exulted in Fraser’s defeat, claiming that God made Fraser lose the election because he “defied the will of Heaven.”

“American Moonies had been indoctrinated to believe everything that happened to Fraser, was instructed by the Father. Now, the Father’s prophecy was being fulfilled. God’s enemy was being punished,” Boettcher observed with a note of irony.

Don Fraser left Washington and came back to Minneapolis, where he was elected mayor in 1979, serving in that office for the next 13 years. In 1982, Moon was tried and convicted of conspiracy and of filing a false income tax return. He was fined $15,000 and spent 13 months in a federal prison in Danbury Conn.


Gifts of Deceit: Sun Myung Moon Tongsun Park and the Korean Scandal
by Robert Boettcher (with Gordon L. Freedman) 1980

pages 323-324
A well-used theme of the Moonies was that Fraser was persecuting them in order to boost his chances of becoming a United States Senator. Actually, Minnesota voters cared little about his Korean investigation. They were concerned about issues like inflation and the boundary waters canoe area in northern Minnesota. All through his career, Fraser knew foreign affairs activities didn’t get him elected. If anything, the investigation made him stay in Washington while he could have been in Minnesota facing his aggressive and well-financed primary opponent. The Moonies made a point of not absenting themselves from the primary campaign, though. Michael Smith of the Freedom Leadership Foundation went to Minnesota and organized a group of Moonies to help his opponent. Every poll predicted Fraser would win the Democratic primary hands down. He lost by a narrow margin of votes, which the press attributed to a large Republican crossover for his opponent.

Hearing the news in Korea, Moon was jubilant. He preached a sermon declaring that God made Fraser lose the election because he had defied the will of Heaven and tried to turn Korea into another Vietnam.

American Moonies had been indoctrinated to believe everything that happened to Fraser “was instructed by Father.” Now Father’s prophecy was fulfilled. God’s enemy was being punished. They were mindful of Moon’s vows of vengeance, like the one in sermon on “Indemnity and Unification”:

“So far the world can be against us and nothing has happened. Now when they are against us then they are going to get the punishment. So from this time … every people or every organization that goes against the Unification Church will gradually come down or drastically come down and die. Many people will die – those who are against our movement.”

… Five days after the election, Fraser’s house was set on fire. It is not known who was responsible.

page 386
The fire at Congressman Fraser’s home in Washington: Mrs. Fraser and her daughter, Jeanne, left the back door unlocked when they went next door for dinner with friends. Returning home within about 30 minutes to do her homework, Jeanne discovered a fire raging from the bottom of the three-story unencased stairwell. An investigation by the fire department concluded that the fire had been set with solvent poured on the floor, and that had in gone undiscovered for another fifteen minutes, the house could not have been saved.

page 343
Kathy Brown was asked about Fraser’s house being set on fire. “We don’t have to do things like that,” she replied. “God punishes those who go against him. Why waste your life thinking negative thoughts? We are doing beautiful things for the world.”

Gifts of Deceit – Chapters 2, 6, 12 and 13 available HERE

The Mysterious Death of Robert Boettcher in 1984

The New York Times      May 30, 1984

Robert B. Boettcher

Robert Boettcher, Staff Chief In House Inquiry, Dies in Fall

Robert B. Boettcher, who was staff director of a Congressional investigation of South Korean influence-peddling in Washington in the 1970’s, died Thursday in a fall from the roof of an apartment building on Central Park West, where he lived. He was 44 years old.

From 1971 until 1979, Mr. Boettcher directed the staff of the House Subcommittee on International Organizations. In that capacity he was in charge, under Representative Donald Fraser, of gathering evidence of a scandal in which Tongsun Park, a South Korean millionaire businessman, and others were accused of unlawfully seeking to influence American political figures in providing military and economic aid to Seoul.

Most recently Mr. Boettcher served as executive director of development and public relations for the Dance Theater of Harlem.

Knowing what we know now, it’s not really odd that the New York Times obituary made mention of the exposed guy – Tongsun Park – and no direct mention of Sun Myung Moon.

Of course, once Mr. Boettcher passed away, it was a long time before people started pointing out the connections between the Bush family and Rev. Moon. Robert Parry, John Gorenfeld, Frederick Carlson, Frederick Miller, Carla Binion and William Cheshire have worked to raise awareness of the influence of Rev. Moon on the United States.


February 5, 1979,
318 Russell Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.

pages 30-35 of Transcript of Proceedings.

Senator Dole: It might be helpful – Bob Boettcher, would you identify yourself in your statement as far as background?

Mr. Boettcher: Yes, sir.

Senator Dole: I have a brief description of each witness, (but) as long as everybody understands what your role has been, then we have a better understanding (of) what you say.


Mr. Boettcher: I was the staff director for the Fraser Subcommittee which conducted the investigation in Korean-American relations.

I will try to keep my remarks brief and to the point. I know there are many to hear from this morning.

The Founding Fathers of this country prized worship of a supreme being so highly they listed it first in the Bill of Rights.

200 years later Americans still cherish that right as inviolable. The Attorney General of the United States has made a point of his commitment to protect.

Currently, we are witnessing a perversion of freedom of religion by leaders of cults who think they have special license to violate laws.

My own experience with cult activities is from the investigation of Korean-American relations in the House of Representatives, investigations chaired by Congressman Donald Fraser, whose house was set on fire last September, and among the members of the subcommittee was Congressman Leo Ryan, who was killed last November.

We considered allegations that organizations affiliated with Sun Myung Moon had operational ties with the Korean Central Intelligence Agency. The Fraser Subcommittee was astonished by what it found.

There are not several separate Moon organizations; there is one unified, multifaceted organization run by Moon.

His best known group is the Unification Church, although he has hundreds of fronts. His stated goal, quite simply, is to rule the world by setting up a global theocracy in which separation between church and state will be abolished.

Though that notion is a far-fetched absurdity to reasonable people, Moon has managed to recruit an army of brainwashed, obedient servants, and to amass a fortune, many millions of dollars.

Americans should ask their Attorney General some questions about freedom of religion in the Moon organization. Does freedom of religion give Moon the right to violate (the) 13th Amendment to the Constitution, which outlaws involuntary servitude?

Hundreds former members of his cult have declared they never acted out of their own free will while under Moon’s control.

Does freedom of religion give Moon the right to be paid secretly by the Korean CIA in September of 1974 to carry out a plot to throw eggs at the Japanese Ambassador and disrupt an official visit by the Prime Minister of Japan?

Does freedom of religion give Moon the right to smuggle millions of dollars into the United States?

Did freedom of religion give Moon the right to try to take over an American bank in 1975 by buying half the bank’s stock secretly with cult money?

Did freedom of religion give Moon the right to smuggle hundreds of aliens into this country under the guise of students for religious training, so he could put them to work full time in his business enterprises?

Does freedom of religion give Moon the right to make his brain-washed servants solicit money in the streets by lying about what the money is to be used for?

Did freedom of religion give Moon and his minion in Washington, Bo Hi Pak, the right to dupe Americans into donating hundreds of thousands of dollars to Radio Free Asia, a Moon front which used free Korean government broadcast facilities under control of the Korean CIA?

Did freedom of religion give Moon’s minion, Bo Hi Pak, the right to collect millions of dollars from Americans under the guise of a children’s relief fund and then use 93 percent of the money to pay public relations men?

Did freedom of religion give Moon and his cult the right to negotiate an unregistered agent of the Korean government for manufacture and export of M-16 rifles?

Americans should ask their Senators and Congressman: Does freedom of religion give Moon the right to infiltrate your office staffs with covert agents who report details of your personal lives to the cult for its special card file?

Did freedom of religion give Moon the right to refuse to answer questions about these activities before a subcommittee of Congress?

Apparently even Moon had doubts about that, because he fled the United States to avoid a subpoena.

To say these activities are protected by the First Amendment would be a travesty. They are activities of a thoroughly antidemocratic, brain-washed political party. They are activities of a huge, greedy business conglomerate.

As of now, Moon’s business empire includes military weapons, newspapers, banking, tea, chemicals, candles, vases, valets, candy, fishing, movies, shipbuilding, sound recording, food processing, travel agencies, and large real estate holdings.

Moon is a menace. We must not allow him and other cult leaders like him to pervert freedom of religion for their own lust for power.

We are entitled to action by our Attorney General to protect our rights.

Thank you.



HEARINGS before the





MARCH 15, 16, 21, AND 22, 1978

Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations


24-435 O

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington, D.C. 20402


CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI, Wisconsin, Chairman

L. H. FOUNTAIN, North Carolina
CHARLES C. DIGGS, Jr., Michigan
ROBERT N. C. NIX, Pennsylvania
GUS YATRON, Pennsylvania
LEO J. RYAN, California
DON BONKER, Washington
GERRY E. STUDDS, Massachusetts
WYCHE FOWLER, Jr., Georgia
JOHN H. BUCHANAN, Jr., Alabama
LARRY WINN, Jr., Kansas

John J. Brady, Jr., Chief of Staff

Investigation of Korean-American Relations by the Subcommittee on International Organizations

DONALD M. FRASER, Minnesota, Chairman

LEO J. RYAN, California

Robert B. Boettcher, Subcommittee Staff Director
Michael J. Hershman, Deputy Staff Director
Lawrence B. Sulc, Minority Staff Consultant
Howard T. Anderson, Investigator
Edward J. Baker III, Investigator
Steven M. Blush, Investigator
Gordon L. Freedman, Jr., Investigator
Edwin H. Gragert, Investigator
Kathleen Kadane, Investigator
Martin J. Lewin, Investigator
Fred J. Rayano, Investigator
William J. Garvelink, Research Coordinator
Beverley C. Lumpkin, Administrative Officer
Ruth L. Good, Research Analyst
David P. Hauck, Research Analyst
Susan G. Slotnick, Research Analyst
Carol J. Cavaney, Staff Assistant
Shea Harris, Staff Assistant

Supplement to Investigation of Korean-American Relations

Part 4—Documents Relating to Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc., and Radio of Free Asia



A. Summaries of representative documents contained in sections B through J 1

B. FBI investigative report dated 1964-66, entitled “Dr. Seymour Murray Vinocour; William A. Curtin, Jr.; Kim Tong Song—RA Korea” 28

C. File of Admiral Arleigh Burke (Ret.), founding president, Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc 209

D. Declassified documents provided by U.S. intelligence agencies 457

E. Declassified documents provided by the Department of State 475

F. Declassified documents provided by the U.S. Information Agency 510

G. Correspondence among the Department of State, the Department of Justice, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, with respect to an investigation of Radio of Free Asia, 1971-72 531

H. Minutes of meetings of the Board of Directors of the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc 617

I. Auditors’ workpapers regarding Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc., Arthur Young & Co. and Price Waterhouse 671

J. Miscellaneous documents 706

Note:—Deletions in the attached documents are for the purpose of security or the protection of an individual’s privacy


APACL Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League
APACL-FC Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League Freedom Center
Burke Memo Memorandum for the Record prepared by Adm. Arleigh Burke
Burke # Document provided by Adm. Burke; number assigned by him
FARA Foreign Agents Registration Act (18 U.S.C. 951)
FBI Report FBI Investigative Report dated 1964-66, entitled “Dr. Seymour Murray
Vinocour; William A. Curtin, Jr.; Kim Tong Son — RA Korea”
ISD Internal Security Division, Department of Justice
KBS Korean Broadcasting Service
KCIA Korean Central Intelligence Agency
KCFF Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, Inc.
ROFA Radio of Free Asia
ROK Republic of Korea
ROKG Government of the Republic of Korea
UC The Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity;
commonly known as The Unification Church

Not all documents attached are included in the summaries of Section A. Known variations of Korean names are given the first time the name appears. Individuals are identified the first time their names appear.



1. 1961: FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour
In 1961, Vinocour (Seymour Murray Vinocour, also known as Joseph Vinocour), PR consultant to the Korean Embassy in Washington, was contacted by Ambassador Chung II Kwon (then-Ambassador to the U.S. later Prime Minister; currently Speaker of the National Assembly) who advised him of the ROKG’s interest in establishing APACL-FC. Chung arranged an ROKG-sponsored trip to Korea to enable Vinocour to confer with authorities of APACL-FC. Vinocour also discussed the project with Kim Jong Pil (Kim Chong Pil, founder of the KCIA; then-Chairman of the ruling Democratic Republican Party). As a result of these discussions Vinocour submitted a prospectus for U.S. fundraising for APACL-FC, a copy of which was given to the ROK Embassy in Washington, D.C. The trip never took place because Vinocour terminated his formal association with the ROKG in September 1961.

2. Spring 1962: Day of Hope in Review, Part 1, 1972-74, p. 173
The Reverend Sun Myung Moon is said to have founded the Korean dance troupe known as the Little Angels which were organized in the spring of 1962.

3. February 26, 1963: CIA Information Report
Kim Jong Pil organized the UC while he was the director of the KCIA, to be used as a political tool. The church was headed by the Reverend Moon, founder of the Olive Tree Cult. [Reverend Moon founded the Unification Church. Elder Tae-seon Park founded the Olive Tree Cult.]

4. Early 1963: FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour
APACL-FC Preparatory Commission, Korean Chapter, publishes a proposal for the establishment of a Freedom Center to be built and staffed for anti-communist activities in Korea. This was decided in June of 1962. They have the full concurrence of the ROKG, including financial support. An ROKG Cabinet meeting of August 17, 1962 granted 50 acres of land for the construction of the center. The site is identified as Jang Choon-Dan Park on Namsan Hill in the southeastern section of Seoul City.

5. Early 1963: Burke #69, Historical background of APACL-FC
Includes a financial statement indicating that the ROKG has contributed $538,461.

6. Summer 1963: FBI Report
Cho Dong Ha (also known as Dongha Cho), a representative of APACL-FC and the ROKG, and said to be close to President Park Chung Hee, contacts Vinocour about raising funds in the U.S. for the construction of the FC.

7. Fall 1965: Burke Memo
Former ROKG Ambassador Yang You Chan (also known as Chan Yang) approaches Burke with the idea of establishing a tax-exempt foundation to promote mutual understanding, respect and friendship between the U.S. and Korea. Yang urges Burke to become Founding Chairman. Burke is reluctant but Yang succeeds in persuading him. Burke will become Chairman and Yang will be responsible for overseeing the day-to-day operations, establishing a Board of Directors, and appointing an Executive Director with a staff.

8. Fall 1963: FBI Report, Interview of Luis Corea
Yang approaches Corea of Riggs National Bank for his support of an organization proposing to build a structure in Seoul memorializing U.S.-Korean friendship and to serve as a cultural center.

A preliminary meeting was held, attended by: Admiral Arleigh Burke (Ret.), who accepted the presidency; Colonel William A. Curtin, Jr. (Ret.); Ambassador Yang; Colonel Pak Bo Hi (also known as Bo Hi Pak; then-military attache in the Korean Embassy in Washington); and Luis Corea.

The proposed organization is to be known as KCFF.

9. November 5, 1963: FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour
Vinocour sends his feasibility study for fundraising for APACL-FC to Cho Dong Ha.

10. December 1963–January 1964: Burke Memo
Yang and Burke have several meetings regarding plans for KCFF projects and personnel.

11. December 21, 1963: Burke #1, Brochure of KCFF
Yang sends a copy of KCFF’s brochure to Burke. The Little Angels is the only proposed project.

12. Early 1964: Burke Memo
Burke says that Yang appointed Curtin. Burke does not know Curtin but trusts Yang’s judgment. Yang told Burke that Col. Pak Bo Hi had greatly assisted him in the preliminary work on KCFF and is keenly interested in the Foundation. Burke says that he only knew Pak from social functions at the Embassy; he describes him as suave, a good administrator and a hard worker. Burke says that he is heavily committed in other areas and relies on Yang, Pak and Curtin.

13. Early 1964: Testimony of Robert Roland before the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Activities of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency in the United States, June 22, 1976, p. 14

Roland, one-time member of the KCFF Board and a social acquaintance of Pak, is told in early 1964 by Pak of his plans to form KCFF to gain influence and raise money for the Reverend Moon. At the same time Pak also speaks of forming ROFA.

14. January 10, 1964: Burke #5, Letter from Yang to Dr. Decker
Yang congratulates Clarence L. Decker, Academic Vice President of Fairleigh Dickinson University, on Decker’s trip to the ROK as a guest of the ROKG to attend President Park’s inauguration. Yang inquires about a conversation between Kim Jong Pil and Dr. Decker in which Kim is said to have discussed KCFF and pledged his full support to the Foundation.

15. January 17, 1964: Burke #8, Letter from Curtin to Kim Jong Pil, Chairman, Democratic Republican Party
Curtin says that he has been informed that Kim has been briefed on KCFF and has indicated his approval and support; also, that Kim has accepted the position of Honorary Chairman of the Board.

16. January 21, 1964: Burke #6, Letter from Decker to Yang
Decker confirms his conversation with Kim Jong Pil in which they discussed the Foundation.

17. ca. January 21, 1964: Burke #13, Biographical Sketch of Kim Jong Pil
Because Burke does not know who Kim Jong Pil is, Pak Bo Hi provides him with a biographical sketch.

18. January 26, 1964: Burke #9, Letter from Kim Jong Pil to Curtin
Kim says that he has been thoroughly briefed on all aspects of KCFF; he gives his endorsement and accepts the position of honorary chairman.

19. February 23, 1964: Burke #61, Letter from Curtin to Kim Jong Pil
Curtin suggests that it appears to be appropriate and politically judicious for the ROKG to award a governmental decoration to Pearl Buck for The Living Reed. A Washington ceremony would accord international press coverage.

20. March 12, 1964: Burke #62, Letter to Curtin from Kwan Soo Park, Chairman, APACL-FC

Park informs Curtin that Kim Sang In (also known as Steve Kim; an aide and interpreter to Kim Jong Pil; later an employee of KCIA) has forwarded Curtin’s proposal for the “Freedom Center Fund Raising Program.” He asks for a more formal proposal and contractual conditions.

21. March 18, 1964: Burke #22, Letter from Curtin to Park Kwan Soo, Chairman, APACL-FC

Curtin outlines the program which KCFF has suggested for raising of U.S. funds for the Freedom Center. He asks APACL-FC to provide certain information, including total contributions of ROKG and total donations. He requests Park Kwan Soo to forward an enclosed copy of this letter to Kim Sang In.

22. ca. March 18, 1964: Burke Memo
Burke is concerned about KCFF’s involvement with APACL-FC. He discusses these reservations with Yang and Curtin. He is particularly concerned about supporting an organization over which they have no control. Also, KCFF is not in a position to make any significant financial commitments. Burke is under the impression that Yang and Curtin agree.

23. March 24, 1964: FBI Report, Letter to Vinocour from Cho Dong Ha
Kim Dong Sung (former Vice Speaker of the National Assembly) will be appointed adviser to the ROKG Ambassador to the UN in place of Col. Ben Limb (also known as Im Byung Jik). When Kim’s appointment is announced, a formal request will be made for him to be in charge of APACL-FC fundraising in the U.S. Kim Jong Pil, President Park and Prime Minister Choi are ready to advance the $10,000 requested in Vinocour’s proposal. Kim Dong Sung wants Cho to come to the U.S. with him. Cho asks Vinocour if he can be put on Vinocour’s payroll when the contract is awarded.

24. March 27, 1964: FBI Report, Interview of Corea
KCFF is formally incorporated in Washington, D.C., by William A. Curtin, Jr., William E. Carey and Luis F. Corea.

25. April 14, 1964: KCFF Minutes
The KCFF incorporators meet and name Burke, Yang, John G. Flowers and Lawrence W. Horning to the Board of Directors.

26. April 17, 1964: FBI Report, Letter from Cho Dong Ha to Vinocour
Cho relates the substance of a letter from William Curtin to Kim Jong Pil in which Curtin states that since Ambassador Kim is unwilling to undertake the APACL-FC project, and Vinocour’s proposal has been turned down, that KCFF can raise $500,000 for the project. Cho says he has contacted Curtin and asked for a proposal and contract. Curtin’s reply is that KCFF will raise funds at no cost to APACL, and thus no contract is necessary. Cho says Curtin has not yet received a commitment. Cho asks what Vinocour knows about Curtin. Cho says he is applying pressure to have Kim Dong Sung’s appointment at the UN announced so that Kim can come to the U.S.
When Kim comes, Cho will be with him.

27. May 1, 1964: FBI Report, Personal letter from Vinocour to Cho Dong Ha
Vinocour is annoyed about ROKG handling of the APACL-FC project and suggests that communications problems exist between the Embassy and Seoul. It has been almost one year since he submitted his proposal but he has not received an answer; KCFF now proposes to raise funds for APACL. Vinocour suggests that KCFF has plagiarized his original proposal.

28. May 22, 1964: Letter to Gene F. Caprio, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Department of State; from Nathan B. Lenvin, Chief, Registration Section, Internal Security Division, Department of Justice

The subject is Joseph Vinocour, William Curtin, and Kim Tong-song; Foreign Agents Registration Act, Korean Activities in the United States. Reference is made to Caprio’s memorandum of April 29th in which he requested advice as to whether the subjects and/or KCFF are or ever have been registered under the FARA. Lenvin says that a review of Registration Section’s files reveals no registration for any of them, and that he is unable to determine if Joseph Vinocour is the same S. M. Vinocour who was registered until September 25, 1961 as an agent of the Korean Information Center. Lenvin is therefore requesting the FBI to ascertain this information as well as whether any of the individuals will be engaged in fundraising in the U.S. for APACL-FC.

29. May 25, 1964: Letter to Director, FBI, from J. Walter Yeagley, Assistant Attorney General, Internal Security Division
Yeagley requests the Director to have the FBI conduct an investigation to determine: whether Joseph Vinocour is the same as S.M. Vinocour; whether Vinocour will be raising funds in the U.S. for APACL-FC; whether Curtin has engaged in similar activities; and to determine the accuracy of the reports that Kim Dong Sung will be named ROK Consul General in New York and will be raising funds for APACL-FC in the U.S.

30. May 25, 1964: Burke #64, Letter from Curtin to Park Kwan Soo of APACL-FC
Curtin says KCFF’s application for certification as a non-profit organization is pending. The Treasury Department has taken exception to the program for support of APACL-FC because of the substantial out-flow of U.S. dollars. Burke and Yang will align sufficient political, Congressional and philanthropic strength to overcome these objections. Curtin says KCFF wants to support APACL-FC; that it will be among their prime objectives.

31. May – June 1964: FBI Report
Dong Sung Kim is to be named Korean Consul General in New York City, and is to raise funds for APACL-FC.

32. July 1, 1964: Burke #65, Letter from Park Kwan Soo to Curtin
Park Kwan Soo acknowledges receipt of Curtin’s May 25th letter and says that the Chosun Ilbo has reported that KCFF has included APACL-FC as one of its major projects. Park says that they have received a letter from Col. Pak of the Korean Embassy in Washington in which he informed them of the establishment of KCFF.

33. Summer 1964: FBI Report, Interview of Corea
Corea is visited by Pak Bo Hi at this time and urged by him to institute a workable fundraising campaign for KCFF.

34. September 1964: Burke Memo
Ambassador Yang informs Burke that Pak, who had been assisting Curtin, is very much interested in the work of KCFF. Yang says he hopes Pak will resign from the Korean Army and become an assistant to Curtin. Yang tells Burke that Pak’s prospects with KCFF are better than they would be back in Korea. Pak has impressed Burke favorably and therefore Burke is in favor of Pak’s continued association with KCFF.

35. September 4, 1964: Burke #37, Letter from Yang to General Min Ki Shik
Yang says that Pak provided the inspiration and guidance resulting in the establishment, development and current operational capabilities of KCFF. Pak could contribute far more to the attainment of ROKG objectives by associating himself with KCFF than by continuing his career as a Regular Army officer. Pak can interpret anti-communism in KCFF’s day-to-day operations and can achieve far more for the overall good of the ROK than by serving as an Army officer. Yang asks for Pak’s release from the Army so that he can take over as Vice President and Director of KCFF. Yang further states that KCFF intends to pay Pak a salary.

36. October 3, 1964: Burke #43, Letter from Pak to Curtin
Pak thanks Curtin for a luncheon prior to Pak’s departure and for Curtin’s seeing him off at the airport.

37. Fall 1964: FBI Report, Interview of Curtin
Pak approaches Curtin and tells him he is going to retire from the ROK Army and will be returning to the U.S. in early 1965. He wants to assist KCFF, particularly with the Little Angels project. Curtin accepts the offer.

38. November 3, 1964: Burke #46, Letter from Pak to Yang
Pak apologizes for not having reported earlier as they had planned. He says that he arrived in Seoul on October 7th and after two weeks began the processing for his discharge. Pak says that Yang’s letter to General Min was helpful because action was taken immediately and by October 22nd he was a civilian; Pak says this is viewed as “unprecedented.”
Pak says that in his 14 years of military service he had dedicated himself to the honorable service of his country and that in his position with KCFF he will dedicate himself to even greater service for his country.
Pak says he has already begun working for KCFF. He has delivered Yang’s letter to General Lee at the Blue House and made an appointment to give him a briefing on KCFF; met with Park Chong Kyu (head of the Presidential Protective Force) of the Blue House and Yang can count on him as a partner in their efforts. Park will try to arrange a meeting with President Park to brief him on the Foundation. Pak has also called on Prime Minister Chung II Kwon who agreed to be a member of the Advisory Council of KCFF. Pak has used the National Film Production facilities to produce a 30-minute color movie of the Little Angels. Pak says he will continue his all-out campaign to earn credit and understanding for Yang’s leadership in the Foundation.

39. November 3, 1964: Burke #47, Letter from Pak to Curtin
Pak tells Curtin about the Little Angels film and other promotional details of a proposed U.S. tour. Pak also tells Curtin, “Regarding your concern of so called ‘Mr. Kim Yong Tae’s letter’ (Kim Yong Tae is a close associate of Kim Jong Pil) you have nothing to worry about.” Pak says that “they” can’t hamper the development of the Foundation; he is there in Korea to take care of this. He says he will report in his next letter and asks for a report on developments on Curtin’s side, noting that he is most concerned with the fundraising aspects.

40. November 3, 1964: Burke #50, Letter to Burke from Pak
Pak informs Burke that he was honorably discharged from the Army on October 22nd, in order to join KCFF. On that same day he formally assumes the Vice Presidency of the Foundation.

41. November 6, 1964: Burke #49, Letter from Curtin to Pak
Curtin acknowledges receipt of Pak’s letter and says that he will comment on it and send an up-to-date report separately.
Curtin tells Pak that Garfield I. Kass, whom Pak knows, will be visiting Seoul in the near future. There are enclosed letters for Pak to have delivered to the Premier, the Vice Premier and the Foreign Minister. Curtin says there are copies for Pak and copies have been provided to Kass. Curtin suggests that Pak check with the U.S. Embassy on Kass’s itinerary. Curtin also suggests that Pak arrange a special performance of the Little Angels for Kass; he says he thinks it will “pay off.”

42. December 10, 1964: Burke #52, Letter to Yang from Pak
Pak gives run-down on Kass visit, detailing his itinerary. He says that Kass was well-satisfied and that they have earned another good friend for Korea. Pak had arranged for Kass to meet the following ROK officials: Mr. Park, special assistant to the President, National Assemblyman Kil, and Premier Chung.

43. December 18, 1964: U.S. Intelligence Agency Memorandum for the Record
Kim Jong Pil started the Tong-il (UC) Church about one year ago. The KCFF in Washington is the first step toward organizing a Tong-il in Washington. It has been previously reported that Bud Han (also known as Han Sang Kook/Keuk/Kuk), Pak Bo Hi and another Army officer were involved with the Washington organization; the third party is Kim Yong Ju or Kim Yong Chun. Yang You Chan is identified as a mere front-man, used to endow the organization with respectability. Pak Bo Hi is the real leader. Pak will return to Washington soon.

44. January 4, 1965: U.S. Intelligence Agency Memorandum for the Record
Kim Jong Pil has been using the Tong-il Church (UC) since 1961.
His interpreter (Steve Kim) is involved in this organization. The organization is secret and run like a communist organization. Bud Han is now General Min Ki Shik’s aide.

45. ca. March 1965: FBI Report, Interview of Curtin
Pak returns to Washington and starts working officially for KCFF.
He volunteers to assist KCFF financially and arranges through the ROK Embassy for the use of their addressograph plates for KCFF initial fundraising (30-40,000 names). These names are from the Korean Information Services mailing list. KCFF also will use Richard A. Viguerie Co., Inc.

46. March 5, 1965: FBI Report, Interview of Curtin
Current employees of KCFF: Curtin, Pak Bo Hi, Caesar A. Giolito. All serve without salary. Giolito was employed at Pak’s insistence.

Pak Bo Hi’s association with KCFF is through the Little Angels which KCFF hopes to bring to the U.S. on a nationwide tour. The time for this tour will be approximately May 1965, to coincide with President Park Chung Hee’s visit to the U.S. Pak Bo Hi is the Project Director for this tour.

Pak has told Curtin that he has contributed substantial personal funds to support the Little Angels. Pak also has a deep spiritual interest in the Unification Church, a Korean spiritualist group in the Washington area.

Curtin denies any direct or indirect contact with the ROK Embassy, nor does he have any understanding, agreement or contract with the ROKG. KCFF is an American-Oriental organization that hopes to be a vehicle of expression in U.S. foreign policy, particularly in Korea and Southeast Asia.

Curtin believes that he is exempt from having to register with the Justice Department as a foreign agent because KCFF is solely engaged in activities in furtherance of religious, scholastic, academic or scientific pursuits.

Curtin says that the APACL-FC as it appeared in the original draft of the KCFF brochure has been eliminated as a project of KCFF and will not receive any support from KCFF. The inclusion of the FC in the KCFF brochure goes back to 1963, when Curtin prepared the brochure, and was unaware of U.S. Treasury regulations governing the exporting of U.S. dollars.

47. Spring 1965: FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour
Park Kwan Soo, Chairman of APACL-FC, writes to Vinocour asking him to reconsider the FC project, (cf. May 15, 1965)

48. April 13, 1965: Burke #57, Letter from Earl Voss to Burke
Voss says, as he had told Burke when they met at Mickey Kim’s house (Mickey Kim, also known as Kim Un Yong, KCIA official at the ROK Embassy in Washington, later assistant to Park Chong Kyu), when they had discussed KCFF’s representations about fundraising for APACL-FC, that he is learning more about the Freedom Center. Leaders at the APACL-FC are upset that KCFF is representing in its brochures that the FC is its #1 project without the Center’s permission. They regard KCFF as “some sort of racket” using the FC’s name to raise funds.

49. April 26, 1965: Burke #60, Letter of solicitation from Burke to Fellow Americans
The letter contains a brochure setting forth KCFF’s current objectives. The objectives include activities in support of anticommunist organizations in the Far East, coordination with other anti-communist organizations in the U.S., and aiding and supporting the Freedom Center under the auspices of APACL.

50. April 28, 1965: Burke #66, Letter from Pak to Burke
Pak says he has been instructed by Yang to give Burke full information for a reply to the April 13, 1965 letter from Voss. Pak says that the APACL-FC people have misunderstood and he advises Burke to send a polite letter to the FC stating the current status of KCFF without mentioning Voss’s letter. He also suggests writing a letter to Kim Jong Pil, chairman of the ruling Democratic Republican Party, asking him to tell APACL-FC officials of KCFF’s earnest intentions and current situation.

51. May 25, 1965: KCFF Minutes
Pak is elected a member of the Board of Directors and Vice President of KCFF. Pak has arranged a U.S. tour for the Little Angels with KCFF as the official sponsor. Although sponsorship of the Little Angels had not been officially brought before the Board, KCFF directors vote to accept sponsorship since it appears to them to be a fait accompli.

52. May 1965: FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour
(date established by Vinocour’s use of word “recently”)
Pak Bo Hi calls on Vinocour. Vinocour formerly knew Pak as a military attache at the Korean Embassy. Pak now identifies himself as the project director or PR man for KCFF in its efforts to assist the APACL-FC. Pak tells Vinocour that Curtin is not doing the job and that KCFF is bankrupt.

53. May 26, 1965: Burke #70, Letter from Pak to Burke
Pak mentions Yang’s recent address before the Political Study Club being inserted in the Congressional Record of April 27, 1965.

54. May 27, 1965: Burke #71, Letter from Pak to Burke
Pak says that Dr. Chin Kim and Cho Dong Ha, officers of APACL-FC visiting Washington, met with him. They have ironed out their misunderstandings and differences. They had already met with Yang. Pak says that he made it clear that KCFF is still interested but not obligated. Because KCFF is in its formative stage, the APACL-FC should not depend on the efforts of KCFF.

55. June 1965: FBI Report, Interview with Don Kramer (date possibly earlier)
Cho Dong Ha requests that Kramer urge their mutual acquaintance Vinocour, a professional PR counselor, to undertake informal noncontractual agreement to work for APACL-FC.
Kramer talks to Vinocour and is advised that Cho has not been totally candid with him; Vinocour had previously submitted a professional program. Kramer says he reported Vinocour’s reaction to Cho.
Kramer’s impression was that Cho was trying to explore Kramer’s availability to assist, but that no direct overtures were ever made.
Kramer says that Cho is living with Tongsun Park at 1713 22nd Street, N.W., Washington, telephone 232-6860. Kramer’s impression is that Tongsun Park is subsidizing Cho during his stay but not contributing to the Freedom Center.

56. June 8, 1965: Burke #76, Letter from Cho Dong Ha to Burke
Cho asks Burke if KCFF would act as agent to collect and transmit contributions for APACL-FC.

57. June 8, 1965: Burke #77, Letter from Burke to Cho Dong Ha
Burke says that KCFF would be happy to act as a repository for U.S. donations to the APACL-FC. However, these contributions would be subject to 15% commission.

58. July 12, 1965: Burke #82, Letter from Robert W. Roland to Burke
Roland informs Burke that Pak has been an acquaintance of his for a number of years. He has discussed KCFF with Pak many times.
Pak has told him that KCFF is to function as the financial supporter and propagator of the ideology of the Unification Church, headed by Moon.

59. August 1965: Burke Memo
Burke advises Yang of Roland’s letter concerning Pak. Yang assures Burke that he is certain Pak is not misusing KCFF and that he, Yang, would not permit it. Yang adds that Pak is a devout Buddhist.
Burke comments that the matter could not be resolved without further data. There is no indication that the Foundation is being misused, but it has to be carefully watched. Burke contemplates resigning because he feels that things are happening of which he is not aware. He submits his resignation on August 6, 1965, to be effective in September or October.

60. August 26, 1965: Burke #99, Letter from David Rowe to Earl Voss
Rowe says that Yang is in Korea on a short visit, and that he is working on staking a claim for KCFF in relation to the APACL- FC. Yang has represented that KCFF can supply a backer, Mr. Salvatori, who is a very big potential source of money for the FC.
Yang told Rowe that before he had left for Korea he had had a meeting with Burke at which he proposed that Burke approach Congressional Members of the committee supervising the CIA to have them bring pressure on the CIA to put a large amount of money into the APACL-FC. The purpose would be to use the FC for recruiting and training agents, since students from all over Asia and Africa would be arriving there. All this was said in the presence of a secretary from the Foreign Office who had been assigned to Yang.
Rowe says that he is confident Burke will not fall for this idea but is unsure of other members of KCFF or Congress. He asks Voss to see Burke and show him this letter.

61. August 27, 1965
William A. Curtin, Jr. dies.

62. September 9, 1965: Burke #100, Letter from Burke to Voss
Burke disavows involvement in the Salvatori idea and says that he did not know that Yang and Dr. Haynes Fraser had had such an idea. Burke says that he had thought the CIA idea a bad one and had told Yang so before he left. Burke says the reason for his meeting with Yang was for Burke to submit his resignation. Burke asks Voss not to use this information to embarrass Yang.

63. September 13, 1965: KCFF Minutes
Burke, Corea and Carey exhibit concern about the financial status of the Foundation. A resolution is passed that: certified public accountants will be employed to certify financial statements and to make an annual report to be delivered to the president and the executive committee; that Pak Bo Hi will make monthly statements to the treasurer with copies to the executive committee, showing all income and expenditures; and that hereafter projects will not be initiated until funded. Funds raised for a specific purpose will be held in trust until full funding has been achieved.

64. December 1965: FBI Report, Interview of Vinocour
On December 14, 1965, Vinocour had lunch with Min Pyong Whi, the First Secretary of the ROK Embassy. Min stated that Cho Dong Ha does not represent the ROKG in his fundraising efforts in the U.S. for the APACL-FC. Min said that Cho had returned to Korea in November and would not return to the U.S. before February or March 1966. Min feels that duplicate organizations such as KCFF and the Freedom Center create confusion.

65. May 15, 1966: KCFF Minutes
First mention of the ROFA project is at this meeting. General Coulter, president and chairman, states for the record that Pak Bo Hi is one of the founders of the KCFF and that he had returned to the U.S. for the sole purpose of pioneering the projects of the Foundation. General Coulter gives the following information regarding Pak:
– Yang requested the ROKG to release Pak so that he could work for the Foundation.
– The ROKG granted the release. On July 3, 1965 (sic; KCFF minutes of May 25, 1965 indicate that it was at that meeting that Pak was elected director and vice president of KCFF) Pak returned to Washington and took up a fulltime position as vice president of KCFF.
– Pak has been working fulltime since that time in his capacity as vice president. Pak has not received any salary or compensation for his services for the entire year of 1965.
The Board votes to pay Pak $750 per month, retroactive to January 1, 1966.

66. July 14, 1966: KCFF Minutes
Corea and Carey resign from the Board, making a total of four vacancies. The vacancies are filled by: Tongsun Park, Lawrence L. Mays, Leigh Brite, and Leon Fontaine, all effective August 1, 1966. Kyong Eup Kim (also known as Jimmy Kim) is appointed Operations Director of the Foundation in Seoul. His duties will be to establish KCFF headquarters and make initial arrangements for the ROFA project.
Yang informs the Board that the ROKG Minister of Public Information had requested Kim’s appointment as Operations Director. The Board specifies that Kim is not to incur any expenses chargeable to KCFF until advised that funds are available.
Lawrence L. Mays is appointed International Chairman of ROFA.

67. August 9, 1966: KCFF Minutes
The stated purpose of the meeting is formally to institute ROFA as the principal project of KCFF and to formulate policy for ROFA. The Board sets August 15, 1966 as the date for the first broadcast from KBS transmitters. The Board authorizes a trip to Korea for Mays, Yang and Pak to negotiate a contract with the ROKG for the inauguration of ROFA.

68. August 10, 1966 U.S. Intelligence Agency Report
The Seventh Bureau (Psychological Warfare Bureau) of the KCIA has been given the task of working out a proposal for the reestablishment of ROFA. The operation is tightly held within the KCIA and is apparently the result of a KCIA-Washington letter to KCIA director Kim Hyung Wook, and communication from Kim to Yang You Chan. Director Kim, who is said to be enthusiastic about the project, and the 7th Bureau are expected to discuss the matter with Yang.

69. August 1966: Testimony of General Kim Hyung Wook, former director, KCIA, before the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Investigation of Korean-American Relations, Part 1, June 22, 1977, p. 28

Kim said he first met Pak in 1964; Pak was not connected with the KCIA but whenever he came to Seoul he would visit Kim and discuss the situation and his activities in the U.S.
Kim recalled Pak coming to Korea with Ambassador Yang and an American named Mays. At that time Pak described ROFA and told Kim that Eisenhower was honorary chairman and that many influential Americans were involved in advising them.

Pak said that he was going to broadcast programs to North Korea and to Communist China and Kim had no objection; he asked Pak how he could help. Pak said he needed a permit from the ROKG. Because Kim felt that it was the type of work that the government should be doing, if they had had the funds, he told Pak that he would welcome the project and assist him in obtaining the required permit.

To express his appreciation to the group, he gave Mays a commemorative plaque usually given those who apprehend North Korean spies. Kim contacted the Ministry of Information to expedite the required permit.

70. August 25, 1966: Letter to Samuel D. Berger, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, to Winthrop G. Brown, U.S. Ambassador to Korea
Brown expresses his concern about ROFA to Berger. He feels that the persons connected with the project are inexperienced and that some have “unsavory records.” Brown wants to warn distinguished Americans whose names are being used.

71. August 26, 1966: Airgram from U.S. Embassy, Seoul, to State Department, with five enclosures
Biographical data is supplied concerning Pak Bo Hi and Kim Dong Sung, as well as memoranda of three conversations between Lawrence Mays, ROFA International Director, and U.S. Embassy officials. Embassy officials exhibit concern at the level of experience of the ROFA officials and on the question of control of program content. ROFA is said to have made its first broadcast at 11:00 p.m. on August 15th.

72. September 6, 1966: KCFF Minutes
Coulter, Giolito, Pak and Mays are present. Pak makes a full report of his trip to Korea, stating that he had witnessed the commencement of ROFA broadcasting on August 15th; however, no details are given in the minutes.

Coulter states that the purpose of the meeting is to appoint an Operations Director and a Deputy Operations Director in Seoul. He has issued a letter to Dong Sung Kim on August 15th, appointing Kim, a former Minister of Public Information for the ROKG, as Operations Director. Kim will supervise the overall policy of ROFA and the planning of programs and the execution of policy established in Washington. Kim will also be empowered to negotiate a permanent contract with the ROKG for the use of KBS facilities. Kim Chong Hoon (Chong Hoon Kim) has been recommended by Kim Dong Sung to be Deputy Operations Director.

73. September 7, 1966: State Department Memorandum of Conversation among Lawrence L. Mays and a Mr. Vogt; and Deputy Assistant Secretary Berger and Korea Country Director Benjamin A. Fleck

Mays meets with State Department officials to ascertain the reasons for their opposition to ROFA. Berger explains that ROFA is a private venture with which the U.S. Government cannot be involved in any way. They also discuss KCFF’s irregular methods of handling funds, which, according to Mays, led to Burke’s resignation.

Mays says that during his recent trip to Seoul with Pak and Yang “he had discovered the true nature of the organization.” While in Seoul he had secretly met with Reverend Moon and a National Assemblyman. “As a result of that meeting, it had become clear to Mr. Mays that the purpose of the Unification Church in organizing the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation and in sponsoring the Foundation’s fundraising activities (primarily the Little Angels children’s choir and the radio project) was to raise funds in the United States for use in furthering the Unification Church’s religious and political objectives in Korea.”

74. September 12, 1966: KCFF Minutes
Yang announces the resignation of Mays as International Chairman of ROFA and from the Board fo KCFF. The position of International Chairman is abolished. General Graves B. Erskine, USMC (Ret.), is appointed Executive Director of ROFA and a member of the Board of KCFF. Erskine also is to serve as chairman of the committee on ROFA which will determine policy, control implementation of policy, review program content, and plan for expansion.

75. September 20, 1966: Memorandum to Deputy Undersecretary of State
U. Alexis Johnson from William P. Bundy, Assistant Secretary for East Asian & Pacific Affairs

Bundy attaches Ambassador Brown’s letter and memorandum dealing with ROFA. Bundy agrees with Brown that some persons connected with the project are “unsavory” and that it is possible that money donated by Americans is being used for purposes other than those stated publicly. Bundy recommends that Johnson attempt to persuade someone to sever his ties with the Foundation and ROFA.

76. September 21, 1966: State Department Memorandum of Conversation among Colonel Bo Hi Pak, To Kyong Limb, First Secretary, Korean Embassy, and Benjamin Fleck

Pak confirms that General Erskine has been appointed Executive Director of ROFA. Pak relates the circumstances of his and Yang’s relationship with Lawrence Mays. Mays and Coulter have resigned from KCFF and have incorporated the radio project as a separate organization.
Pak says that a Baltimore PR firm hired by Mays for a fundraising banquet is now working for KCFF and is launching a campaign that it is hoped will raise $150,000 for the radio project. Pak outlines ROFA’s operational plans, and he notes that General Rod Smith of Radio Free Europe has offered assistance. Pak also says that KCFF is bring the Little Angels to the U.S. for a concert tour; he hopes that the Little Angels will make money so that the proceeds can be given to ROFA.
Pak also notes that during his recent trip to Seoul he had renewed his personal friendship with President Park. Their friendship is based on their service together during the Korean War and one period in particular when they “had spent a harrowing seven days together before being reunited with their unit.”

77. November 10, 1966: State Department Memorandum for the Record
Re: Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation
The memorandum recites the history of KCFF’s founding and its connections with Vinocour, Curtin and the APACL-FC. The memo reports the sponsorship of the Little Angels by KCFF and reiterates State Department concern about ROFA. The memorandum concludes that KCFF “is an organization of questionable motivation” and recommends that no actions should be taken which could be construed as U.S. Government approval of KCFF or any of its projects.

78. December 6, 1966: KCFF Minutes
General Coulter resigns and General Erskine is appointed President and Chairman of the Board of KCFF.

79. March 9, 1967: KCFF Minutes
Erskine and Pak enter into a contract with International Foundation Consultants, Ltd., fundraisers, on behalf of ROFA. The firm advances $15,000 to ROFA. On motion by Pak, the Board decides that Erskine will deliver $10,000 of this sum by hand to Korea for the operational fund, while $5,000 will be retained in Washington to pay accumulated bills. Y. W. Coty, Vice President of Finance, will accompany Erskine on the trip.
Ambassador Yang is visiting Korea upon the invitation of President Park. Although Yang’s mission is largely involved with the ROKG, he is doing much good on behalf of the Foundation while there.
KCFF must regard his stay in Korea as an official representation of the Foundation; the Foundation must therefore pay any expenses which Yang incurs on its behalf. A resolution is passed to pay $500 in expenses to Yang, unless he requests additional monies.

80. March 14, 1967: U.S. Intelligence Agency Memorandum to the Ambassador — Subject: ROFA
The KCIA’s 7th Bureau monitors the programs and activities of ROFA, and facilities are provided free by KBS. The only guidance provided by KCFF is that all programs must support U.S. policy. KBS does not charge ROFA and actually saves money because there are no script costs and ROFA programs surplant KBS programs. The Director of KBS has indicated that KBS does not receive payment from ROFA. The memorandum states that ROFA is fortunate to have Kim Dong Sung as its Korean Director. It further states that ROFA is apparently proceeding with the full knowledge and support of the ROKG.

81. June 5, 1967: KCFF Minutes
Erskine and Coty resign for personal business reasons.

82. September 26, 1967: KCFF Minutes
Ambassador Yang is absent because of governmental duty in Africa. Pak reads the resignation letter of Kim Dong Sung who has been appointed ROKG Ambassador to Argentina. Kim Dong Sung recommends the appointment of his Deputy, Kim Chong Hoon, to replace him.
The Board approves his suggestion and Kim Chong Hoon is now the Operations Director of ROFA.

83. 1968: Arthur Young Accountants Workpapers, Handwritten Notation
“$100 gift to Un Yang Kim (Korean Secret Service) on the death of his mother. I surmise that this is in the line of KCFF business, as favors are sometimes asked of this man, although I question the account classification.”

84. February 1969: Price Waterhouse Accountants Workpapers, Audit of KCFF-Seoul (prepared July 1971)
In 1969 Park Chong Kyu, head of the Presidential Protective Force, lent his private house, without cost, to the Little Angels for their use.

85. March 11, 1969: USIA cable from U.S. Embassy, Seoul, to State Department, Re ROFA
The cable describes ROKG as having complete supervision and control of the program content of ROFA, but the Ministry of Culture and Information is still not pleased with the situation, “even though ROKG supervision now complete.” ROFA seems to be under some sort of examination; USIA does not know by whom. USIA feels that ROFA is probably not contributing anything positive to Free World broadcasting to North Korea.

86. April 23, 1969: USIA Memorandum of Conversation with ROFA Officials.
ROFA is broadcasting 36 hours and 45 minutes each week over KBS facilities at no cost to ROFA. The ROKG is considering a request for 2,000 pyung of land at Namsan for the construction of ROFA’s own facilities. This would be an administrative facility with transmitters to be built later.
ROFA is using contract help for writing; including some KBS employees and others who are professors and non-KBS radio writers. Regarding policy, the ROFA official says that they have to be careful not to differ too strongly with the ROKG. Much of their material comes from defector interviews arranged by the KCIA; at all of these interviews there is a KCIA man in the studio monitoring and suggesting alterations wherever he sees fit. USIA observes it is unlikely that ROFA has substantial freedom.

87. November 25, 1969: USIA Memorandum of Conversation with ROFA Official.
ROFA will build a studio and office on 3,000 pyung of land provided by the ROKG. They have no immediate plans to build their own transmitters. In general reference to his operations, the ROFA official states that KBS broadcasts must reflect ROKG policy, but ROFA does not have to do this since it reflects U.S. policy. Regarding ROFA’s description of its broadcasts to North Korea, USIA official observes that it is highly unlikely since most radio receivers in North Korea are of fixed frequency, making it impossible for reception of the described broadcasts.

88. February 1970: Hearings before the Senate Subcommittee on U.S. Security Agreements and Commitments Abroad, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, p. 1687
ROFA and KCFF are mentioned during the course of these hearings. Concern is expressed about the use of names of prominent Americans, and the tax-exempt status of KCFF and ROFA. There is also some discussion about whether “propagandist organizations” should be registered with the Justice Department under the FARA.

89. May 25, 1970: Price Waterhouse Accountants Workpapers, Audit of KCFF-Seoul
KCFF buys land and building from Chung II Kwon (then-Prime Minister) for Won 20,000,000 (approximately $142,496.82), to be used as the intermediate headquarters for ROFA.

90. September 2, 1970: State Department Memorandum enclosed with
June 8, 1971 letter to Attorney General Mitchell from Undersecretary of State Johnson

A report dated September 2nd lists Pak Bo Hi of KCFF as one of several ROK lobbyists in Washington whose activities were to be coordinated by the KCIA.

91. September 8, 1970: Price Waterhouse Accountants Workpapers, Audit of KCFF.

An entry for September 8th lists expenses incurred for “Promotion letters written by President Park Chung Hee.”

92. October 14, 1970: State Department Memorandum enclosed with June 8, 1971 letter to Attorney General Mitchell from Undersecretary of State Johnson

A report dated October 14th stated that in late September Pak Bo Hi was in Seoul with a ROFA mailing list of 60,000 Americans who had contributed to ROFA. It was arranged for President Park Chung Hee to send letters to all of the contributors, at a cost of $20,000.

93. December 14, 1970: State Department Memorandum from Howard F. Newsom to Mr. Prentice
The memorandum reiterates State’s “grave doubts about the competence and integrity of many of the persons connected with ROFA’s operations.” The present Ambassador, Kim Dong Jo, shares these concerns. As ROFA uses KBS facilities, there is a question as to what ROFA does with the funds it raises in the U.S.

94. December 15, 1970: State Department Memorandum, from Rowberg of Korea Desk to Ambassador Brown
In matters concerning ROFA, the Department will be using the attached drafts as statements to be released.

95. December 23, 1970: Letter to IRS from Winthrop G. Brown, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs

The letter requests that IRS provide information as to the tax-exempt status of ROFA.

96. December 23, 1970: Letter to Robert C. Mardian, Assistant Attorney General, from Deputy Assistant Secretary Brown
The letter requests that Justice Department provide information as to ROFA’s status under the Foreign Agents Registration Act.

97. December 31, 1970: Telegram from State Department to U.S. Embassy, Seoul
The telegram requests the Embassy to monitor ROFA broadcasts and to report information on all aspects of ROFA operations.

98. January 8, 1971: Letter from Assistant Attorney General Mardian to Deputy Assistant Secretary Brown
Mardian acknowledges receipt of Brown’s December 23rd letter and states that Justice Department files have no information on ROFA. A request is being made of the FBI to search its files for available information, or information that may result from the inquiry Justice is requesting FBI make.

99. January 8, 1971: Memorandum to Director, FBI, from Assistant Attorney General Mardian
The memorandum encloses copies of State Department’s letter to Justice requesting information on ROFA. Mardian asks that the FBI furnish any information it may have regarding ROFA; in the event FBI files are negative, Mardian requests that the FBI ascertain ROFA’s principal place of business and interview a responsible official.

100. February 16, 1971: U.S. Intelligence Agency Memorandum
Subject: Pak Bo Hi, KCFF, Little Angels and ROFA
The memorandum provides biographical information on Pak; budget information and objectives of the KCFF; the costs of the Little Angels school to the KCFF; and discussion of ROFA studios to be constructed. There is also general information on ROFA and an analysis of KCFF and ROFA positions. The memorandum states that KCFF is now divorced from Yang who had tried to associate himself with the Foundation and ROK lobbying in Washington. Pak is said to be aware of, and intending to avoid, ROKG attempts to use the Foundation in the future. Pak describes this as difficult because he needs ROKG support; he also notes that ROKG officials are very demanding.

101. April 5, 1971: Letter to Deputy Assistant Secretary Brown from Assistant Attorney General Mardian, by James C. Hise, Chief, Registration Section
Brown is informed that, based on information now available to the Justice Department, ROFA cannot be considered an agent of a foreign principal since there is a lack of evidence to establish a connection with a foreign principal; hence there is no obligation to register under the FARA.

102. April 14, 1971: Letter to Deputy Assistant Secretary Brown from Exempt Organizations Branch, IRS
In reply to Brown’s December 23rd letter, the Chief of the Ruling Section states that a careful search of their files reveals that ROFA is not exempt from federal income tax and therefore contributions to ROFA are not tax-deductible.

103. June 8, 1971: Letter to Attorney General Mitchell from Undersecretary of State Johnson
Johnson encloses material regarding ROFA concerning which he has spoken to Mitchell. He is concerned that “a lot of our people are being ‘taken.’”
A memorandum dated June 2, 1971, originally classified “secret”, is enclosed with this letter. This memorandum is headed “Radio of Free Asia” and mainly reiterates State Department concerns about ROFA. There are other paragraphs, however, which evince concern about a coordinated lobbying plan on the part of the South Korean Government. There is mention made of Tongsun Park’s offer to contribute to the campaigns of several congressmen and there are “suspicions that he has been involved in many other irregularities as a lobbyist.”

104. July 7, 1971: Price Waterhouse Accountants Workpapers, Audit of KCFF-Seoul.
Daily broadcasting of programs is checked by the Ministry of Culture and Information, (K)CIA, KBS, and Mr. B.S. Lee, program controller of KCFF.

105. July 7, 1971: Memorandum to James C. Hise, Chief, Registration Section, from Robert C. Mardian, Assistant Attorney General, ISD
Mardian encloses the material received from State Department and says it is clear that State is highly concerned about ROFA’s operations. Mardian states that the material indicates persons associated with ROFA are of questionable reputation and may have some connection with the Korean Government. He suggests that the Criminal Division may have to determine if fraud is involved and that the FBI should be requested to conduct an investigation.

106. July 28, 1971: Letter to Undersecretary Johnson from Attorney General Mitchell

Mitchell acknowledges receipt of Johnson’s June 8th letter and requests concurrence of State in supplying the June 2nd secret memorandum to the FBI and to have the Bureau undertake an inquiry of the matter.

107. October 1, 1971: Letter to Attorney General Mitchell from Undersecretary Johnson

Johnson states that State Department has no objection to Justice instituting a full scale investigation of the ROFA matter. He notes that materials contained in the June 2nd secret memorandum originated with a third government agency, however, Johnson states that it is his understanding that the third agency will send to the FBI through their own channels a separate memorandum summarizing the information that was contained in State’s June 2nd memo.

108. November 1, 1971: Memorandum to Director, FBI, from Assistant Attorney General Mardian, Subject: ROFA
Mardian makes reference to his January 8th memorandum to the FBI and says that the State Department has furnished additional information “indicating that certain persons associated with the subject are men of questionable reputation who may be engaged in fraudulent activity and who are also believed to be in the employ of the South Korean Central Intelligence Agency.” Mardian requests that the FBI initiate an investigation to determine whether ROFA should be registered under FARA.
Mardian also draws the FBI’s attention to State Department information that “Pak Tong Sun” who is a member of KCFF’s Board, may be a member of the KCIA; “it is requested that this element be included in your investigation.”

109. November 11, 1971: Memorandum from the Director, FBI, to the Washington Field Office (WFO) of the FBI
The memorandum encloses all pertinent documentation and requests the WFO immediately to initiate an investigation in accordance with the guidelines set forth in Mardian’s November 1st memorandum.
A note attached to this memorandum states, among other things, that James C. Hise of the Justice Department, ISD, advised on 11/4/71 that he did not desire interviews to be conducted of the prominent persons listed on KCFF’s letterhead, and requested that at this time the interviews of ROFA personnel be limited to Pak and Yang.

110. December 28, 1971: Memorandum to the Director, FBI, from WFO
By this memorandum the WFO submitted its investigative report in the ROFA matter to the Director, FBI.

111. January 27, 1972: Memorandum to Assistant Attorney General Mardian, ISD, from Assistant Attorney General Petersen, Criminal Division
Petersen states that the Criminal Division has reviewed the FBI’s December 28, 1971 report on ROFA and can find no basis for prosecution under federal fraud statutes.

112. March 15, 1972: Memorandum to Assistant Attorney General Mardian from Justin O’Shea, Acting Chief, Registration Section

O’Shea informs Mardian that the FBI investigation “reveals that the initial allegations concerning (ROFA) cannot be confirmed by competent evidence.” O’Shea concludes that based on the informa- provided by State Department and contained in the FBI report, neither the subject nor its officers and directors have incurred an obligation to register under FARA.

113. March 16, 1972: Memorandum to Acting Attorney General Kleindienst from Assistant Attorney General Mardian
Mardian recounts the history of the ROFA investigation to the Attorney General and suggests that he send the attached letter to the Undersecretary of State.

114. March 16, 1972: Letter from Acting Attorney General Kleindienst to Undersecretary of State Johnson
Kleindienst reiterates the information contained in the two preceding memoranda and advises Johnson that, in the absence of additional information, the Justice Department contemplates no further action on the ROFA matter.

115. May 1, 1972: Memorandum to the President of ROFA from the Vice President for Operations, Subject: Weekly Report
The Vice President for Operations relates that at a dinner party attended by various Korean and American officials he was asked many questions regarding KCFF and ROFA operations. Mr. Richardson refused to believe that ROFA is not a part of the KCIA. Steve Kim will contact Richardson and explain that ROFA is not connected with the KCIA.


Bo Hi Pak and the KCFF scam – and Sun Myung Moon’s ROFA scam

Gifts of Deceit – Sun Myung Moon, Tongsun Park and the Korean Scandal. (1980) by Robert B. Boettcher

pages 46-47:
The Korean government took full advantage of the propaganda opportunities afforded by the Little Angels. They were billed as “unofficial ambassadors of goodwill,” and Korean embassies all over the world eagerly promoted visits by the troupe. KCIA director Kim Hyung Wook expedited the issuing of passports (which are hard for Koreans to get and must be reissued for each trip) for the girls whenever Pak requested them. The government financed overseas tours and donated choice land outside Seoul for a multimillion-dollar school and performance center.

Bo Hi Pak peddled the widely believed story that the girls were orphans, when actually most came from upper-middle-class families who competed to get their daughters in. He discovered the Little Angels could be convenient vehicles for bringing cash to the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation into the United Sates from Japan, where the Moon organization had abundant sources of money. Large amounts could be divided among members of the company before passing through Customs. They could then be divested of the money in Pak’s home, which he maintained as a logistics center whenever the Angels were in the United States. In 1972, the Little Angles traveling group delivered 18 million yen ($58,000).

Moon always regarded the Little Angels as an instrument for exerting influence over social and political institutions. After a successful appearance by them in Japan, he told his followers that “we have laid the foundation to win the embassy personnel stationed in Japan to our side–and through them we can influence their respective nations.” In Korea, where rumors about ties to Moon where becoming a problem because of his growing notoriety, Pak ran a newspaper ad denying that the Little Angels had anything to do with the Unification Church. The troupe’s booking agent, fearful that links with Moon would harm their otherwise excellent reputation, asked for official reassurance. The KCFF board chairman informed him that Moon was merely a friend and supporter of the Little Angels, not unlike millions of others. American Moonies where ordered not to promote them too openly or else “Satan will attack by saying that Reverend Moon is exploiting these children for his own glory.”

For more than ten years the truth about Moon’s scheme was kept from non-Moonies on the KCFF board and from the many thousands of Americans who gave money to the foundation.

The next project for KCFF was Radio of Free Asia (ROFA), launched in 1966. The idea, modeled on Radio Free Europe, was to broadcast anti-Communist programs from South Korea to North Korea, China, and North Vietnam. Moon and Pak gave it a special twist, however. They would conduct mass mailings to Americans asking for money to pay for broadcast facilities in Korea but arrange for free use of transmitters and studios through the KCIA. The money could be pumped into the Unification Church or other Moon activities, as needed. KCFF’s list of American luminaries could be used for promoting ROFA, since the radio was a KCFF project. It was another multipurpose Moonie venture with benefits above and below the surface: promoting anti-Communism, becoming more valuable to the Korean government, gaining greater prominence in the United States, and making money for Moon. Bo Hi Pak was thrilled by it. It was described to prospective contributors as “one of the most daring undertakings against communists on the mainland of Asia in the last thirty years.”

pages 321-322:
The Korean Culture and Freedom Foundation had been barred from soliciting contributions in New York after 1976. The State Social Welfare Board had discovered that less than 7 percent of the funds collected by KCFF for the Children’s Relief Fund could have been used for that purpose. The public was told that money was needed urgently to save the lives of 350,000 children who were facing “terminal forms of malnutrition” in Southeast Asia. Contributions were to be used to buy emergency supplies of blood plasma and food. The Children’s Relief Fund appears to have been more an exercise in image-building than a drive to raise funds for the cult’s coffers. An audit showed that Bo Hi Pak himself got $26,000 each year, while the bulk of the contributions in 1975, $920,000, was paid to Richard A. Viguerie Company, a professional fund raising firm, for handling mail order solicitations. Another $58,000 went to the Associated Public Relations Council of Washington, owned by Donald Miller, who was also the executive director of KCFF.  

LINK to Gifts of Deceit – Robert Boettcher

US ‘Unification Church Pension Fund International’ – never heard of it? Bo Hi Pak explains

Some background:

Hot Money and the Politics of Debt

by R. T. Naylor

R.T. Naylor is professor, economics, McGill University, and the author of many books, including Economic Warfare: Sanctions, Embargo Busting, and Their Human Cost, and Bankers, Bagmen, and Bandits: Business and Politics in the Age of Greed.

Pages 152 – 162

In the US the Moon cult prospered. Indeed, the vigor with which the cult expanded in the US may not be completely unrelated to problems that befell it in South Korea.

In 1977, one year after the notorious “Koreagate” scandal in the US, the South Korean regime decided to disassociate itself partially from the sect, which had become somewhat of an embarrassment.

The South Korean authorities leveled a number of charges of fiscal fraud against the management of Moonie-controlled enterprises.

The sect responded by creating the Unification Church International…The target was the Diplomat National Bank of Washington. The sect and the Korean CIA (which used the bank as a conduit for covert funding) eventually attracted 53% of the stock – and the attention of American bank regulators over attempts to hide ownership and over apparent infractions of lending regulations.

Through Diplomat National Bank the Moonies broke into the newspaper business in the US and around the world…The Moonies’ penetration of Central and South America thereafter assumed a new energy.

NOTE: This is Bo Hi Pak’s version of events as published in his book – please compare it with what he actually said at the Fraser Hearings. One important point is that the funds were ‘managed’ by Mr Mitsuharu Ishii in Japan. They were NOT in the US, as Bo Hi Pak states below. 

Extract from the question and answer session between Bo Hi Pak and Representative Donald Fraser at the Investigation of Korean-American Relations: Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Organizations of the Committee on International Relations (1978).

You will be surprised, if not shocked, at how Bo Hi Pak answered questions about the “Unification Church Pension Fund International”.

Please compare what Bo Hi Pak said to Representative Fraser to what Pak wrote in his book, Truth Is My Sword, Volume I (Collected Speeches in the Public Arena). That appears to be propaganda.


Investigation of Korean-American Relations

Pages 308 – 335 (EXCERPTS)

Mr. PAK: Mr. Chairman, I would like to bring one more thing to your attention…Reverend Moon has directed me to look at the family assistance program…Here in the United States, we have initiated a family assistance program; more correctly called a pension fund program. It was formally founded in 1971 and assigned to a program officer of our church for the responsibility, and it was named the Unification Church Pension Fund International. Over a period of years, from 1971 to 1975, it accumulated enough funds so that we were able to consider establishing a good program.

Since I was acting as adviser, the officer in charge of the Unification Church Pension Fund International and I were discussing ways in which to accomplish this goal of helping our members. If I remember correctly, we discussed the following possibilities: One, buying houses for elder members, just as we did in Korea. Two, buying land and developing housing projects or apartments. Three, distribution, noninterest loan to elder members so they could individually invest in some lucrative business venture…We discussed all these things. I have been keeping my eyes open for good possibilities.

Then in July or August of 1975, I think the opportunity to buy stock in Diplomat National Bank was brought to my attention by Dr. Charles Kim, then chairman and executive…I thought it would establish a good credit reference for our members, which they do not have. I thought my investing in the bank, we could accomplish two important things. First,to give financial security to our elder members, which was the purpose of the fund…

Based on this, I contacted the program officer in charge of the fund and we discussed the idea. He also became excited about the idea, and we provided to draw up a list of names of those who would qualify for a loan. Thereafter, I contacted each person on the list individually and explained the idea of the bank and the possibility of the loan.

If I remember correctly, I made sure to explain the following to each person:

One, I asked if they would like to obtain a loan in order to invest in a bank. I explained that the loan came from Unification Church Pension Fund International, which had accumulated for the purposes of helping elder members settle their families. I also explained that the loan would be noninterest and would be repayable within 10 years if the money was available, so it would be there for other members to use.

Two, I explained that they would be buying the stock as outright owner and they had the right to do with the stock as they pleased. They could either keep it or sell it whenever they wanted. The purpose of the stock was to help them gain financial security…There were 13 in all in this list I submitted who were selected…Each one was grateful and said they would very much like to take the loan.

Here I should mention, because most of these people were Japanese or Korean, they did not know anything about how to go about getting the stock. They asked me to help them and, of course, I was happy to do so. I got the money from the Pension Fund International, and as a subscription form signed by the members was received, I would take it along with the money to Dr. Kim of the bank. The money for the Unification Pension Fund International comes from the contributions of our members; not a penny comes from the Korean Government or certainly not from Korean CIA. The suggestion is absurd, and our goal was never to take over the bank.

Mr. FRASER: I wonder would you be willing to provide a copy of your statement to us?

Mr. PAK: Surely. Yes.

Mr. FRASER: Colonel, you called this fund—-

Mr. PAK: Unification Church Pension Fund International.

Mr. FRASER: Where was this fund maintained?

Mr. PAK: I am not project officer, but I do know it generally was maintained in New York, where our church establishments are. But at the present time, it is now located in Japan. This pension fund headquartered in Japan.

Mr. FRASER: It was started in New York in 1971; is that your testimony?

Mr. PAK: Yes, informally and very loosely.

Mr. FRASER: Why do you use the words informally and loosely?

Mr. PAK: Because there was no, any legal paper drawn up or any formal kind of meeting or registration kind – it is not founded as a legal entity at all.

Mr. FRASER: Then what did happen; what tangible thing or what actual event did take place that characterized its beginning?

Mr. PAK: When the American movement is getting older, when the church founded in 1959 here—-and it has been somewhat taking time for over 10 years of pioneering pasts; so all the members certainly get older and they have children. So you can see a necessity arises that we have to have some kind of some system or method to help –

Mr. FRASER: I understand that, Colonel. But what event, what action, what thing happened – that marked its beginning even as an informal and loosely –

Mr. PAK: First of all, it happened in a very informal occasion. Reverend Moon asked me to look into the matter.

Mr. FRASER: To look into–—

Mr. PAK: To look into the family assistance program.

Mr. FRASER: But, Colonel, we are talking about the fund now.

Mr. PAK: Yes. So then I assigned to our program officer, I assigned this particular responsibility to one of our church leaders.

Mr. FRASER: Just a moment. What responsibility did you assign?

Mr. PAK: Setting up some kind of program, family assistance program or pension fund.

Mr. FRASER: Did you specifically give that program officer the responsibility of setting up the fund?

Mr. PAK: Yes.

Mr. FRASER: What was his name?

Mr. PAK: That was a name — again, I would like to have this name taken as the same as other names revealed to you, in writing. They should have right of privacy. This name is Mr. Ishii, Japanese member.

Mr. FRASER: The same Mr. Ishii you were referring to in your last appearance?

Mr. PAK: Yes.

Mr. FRASER: Now, what happened then? When did the fund actually come into being?

Mr. PAK: I do not know. I do not know any detail about the fund because I am not a project officer.

Mr. FRASER: But you assigned him the responsibility?

Mr. PAK: Yes.

Mr. FRASER: Did he tell you when he started it?

Mr. PAK: That occurred generally in 1971. I don’t have any correct recollection of it.

Mr. FRASER: What did he do?

Mr. PAK: He started to, you know, look into the possibility of some fund accumulating for that purpose. The fund, thereafter, slowly but surely, came as a contribution from the members in the Unification Church.

Mr. FRASER: Physically, where was the fund located at that time?

Mr. PAK: I presume in New York, Tarrytown area. I do not know; I cannot pinpoint where.

Mr. FRASER: You don’t know where it was?

Mr. PAK: No.

Mr. FRASER: Was it in a bank?

Mr. PAK: I do not know.

Mr. FRASER: Colonel, you do not know whether it was in a bank; you are saying, under oath, you don’t know?

Mr. PAK: I do not know, but—

Mr. FRASER: It may have been in a bank, but you are saying here you actually have no knowledge as to whether it was in a bank or not.

Mr. PAK: All I am involved with cash. So whether they have a bank account or all these areas, I do not know. My answer is, I do not know.

Mr. FRASER: Was Mr. Ishii living in New York then?

Mr. PAK: He was not permanently stationed in New York, if I recall. He was permanently citizen in Japan…

Mr. FRASER: What did Mr. Ishii tell you about starting the fund?

Mr. PAK: What is the question?

Mr. FRASER: What did he tell you thereafter that he had done in response to your direction?

Mr. PAK: Yes; he generally, if I recall, that he said the program is somehow started and contribution is coming in from the members of the Unification Church who come to this country traveling…

Mr. FRASER: And what did he do with them?

Mr. PAK: Apparently he saved up.

Mr. FRASER: Where?

Mr. PAK: I do not know.

Mr. FRASER: How much had he accumulated by the end of 1971?

Mr. PAK: I do not know.

Mr. FRASER: Colonel, why do you say this was launched informally and loosely?

Mr. PAK: That’s the year, generally, I instructed him…

Mr. FRASER: I am having some difficulty understanding. You say this started informally and loosely; that you gave Mr. Ishii direction to start the fund. You don’t seem to know anything about the fund thereafter.

Mr. PAK: No, sir.

Mr. FRASER: What is the name of the fund, Colonel?

Mr. PAK: If I define that fund, I define as I told you already: Unification Church Fund International.

Mr. FRASER: When did that name get attached to it?

Mr. PAK: I have no memory…

Mr. FRASER: Colonel, is there anywhere written down the name of this fund…?

Mr. PAK: I have no knowledge.

Mr. FRASER: Well, Colonel, let’s leave that for a moment. You have given us now, in connection with your testimony last time, three promissory notes executed by you to Mr. Ishii, I think, is that right?

Mr. PAK: Yes.

Mr. FRASER: Now, were these loans from the Unification Church Pension Fund?

Mr. PAK: I say, he has many title. Mr. Mitsuharu Ishii said “Unification Church Pension Fund International, president.” He is in charge of it. A previous one might not have that. He has another title.

Mr. FRASER: These were loans to you personally?

Mr. PAK: Yes, sir.

Mr. FRASER: Did the money come from that pension fund?

Mr. PAK: I do not know…

Mr. FRASER: Is he a wealthy person so he can make these loans?

Mr. PAK: He is very capable…

Mr. FRASER: …The loan you got from Mr. Ishii for $223,000, represented by these documents, did those funds come from the pension fund?

Mr. PAK: I do no know.

Mr. FRASER: Colonel, I just have a few more questions and then we will have the staff follow up. You say Mr. Ishii transferred the pension fund to Japan in 1975; is that right?

Mr. PAK: No, sir, I think the end of 1976.

Mr. FRASER: Then what happened to that fund?

Mr. PAK: I do not know…

Mr. FRASER: Colonel, did he make any reports to you or to any other official of the Unification Church between 1971 and 1976 about how much was in the fund?

Mr. PAK: In 1975 and 1976, he made how much loan to Unification members?

Mr. FRASER: Did he make a written report or even an oral report to any board meeting or trustees or to you or to Reverend Moon or to anybody? Did he give a report on the status of the fund?

Mr. PAK: No, sir.

Mr. FRASER: Did he ever tell you how much was in it?

Mr. PAK: Not precisely.

Mr. FRASER: Or roughly?

Mr. PAK: Yes.

Mr. FRASER: How much was in it?

Mr. PAK: I mean, it’s not the way how much we had…about $1 million level…

Mr. FRASER: …under whose auspices was the fund being created, Colonel?

Mr. PAK: Mr. Ishii.

Mr. FRASER: Now, he was the agent to carry it out. Was it the American church or the Japanese church?

Mr. PAK: …If we ever defined this international pension fund, it should come under Unification Church International, which is separate from Unification Church of America, Unification Church of Japan…

Mr. FRASER: Well, Colonel, whether it was under some general idea of the Unification Church worldwide, or whatever, you had authority to tell Mr. Ishii to start it, right?

Mr. PAK: Well—

Mr. FRASER: At least you thought you did because you asked him to start it, isn’t that right?

Mr. PAK: I don’t correctly know the definition of authority.

Mr. FRASER: Well, you asked him to start it; you already testified to that.

Mr. PAK: Well, I just said, “Look into that matter.” I urged he is the proper person to do that and I told him so.

Mr. FRASER: …Colonel…You had a discussion with Mr. Ishii back in 1971 about the establishment of such a fund. You testified you later had a discussion with him about whether there were sufficient funds in order to finance some purchases of Diplomat National Bank stock. Apart from those two conversations, did you ever have any other conversation with Mr. Ishii regarding that fund, its status, where it was held, how much was in it, or anything else about it?

Mr. PAK: I do not recall.

Mr. BRAY (Legal Counsel talking to Bo Hi Pak): Excuse me. You do not understand what he is saying…Your understanding is you appear to be responding essentially there were no other conversations with Mr. Ishii other than the two conversations, the latest of which was 1975. That is not what you are intending to say, is it?

Mr. FRASER: Counsel, between the first conversation, when he directed him to set up and this later conversation when he talked about the Diplomat National Bank which was in 1975. Between those conversations, I am asking him, Did he ever talk to him about it?…

Mr. BRAY (Legal Counsel talking to Donald Fraser): Mr. Chairman, you are a little exercised about this.

Mr. FRASER: I am exercised about your intervention. I do not have any trouble with my question. As far as I can tell, neither does the witness unless you have to coach him to keep him out of trouble.

Mr. BRAY (Legal Counsel talking to Donald Fraser): …I only urge you – and I will not interfere – to be very clear about what you are saying because he (Bo Hi Pak) obviously does not understand what you are getting at.

Mr. FRASER: …Colonel, you directed Mr. Ishii in 1971 to establish this fund. According to your testimony today, the next time you talked to him about the fund or got any information about it came some 4 years later, when you asked about the possibility of financing purchases from the fund for stock in the Diplomat National Bank. I want to be very clear. You are saying during those intervening 4 years there were no other conversations about the fund or its status or how much money was in it or anything else about the fund, is that right?

Mr. PAK: No, sir. There must be some conversation. There must be some.

Mr. FRASER: Do you recall some of them?

Mr. PAK: I do not recall but there must be many conversations.

Mr. FRASER: So you did have frequent conversations about the activity of the fund.

Mr. PAK: Not activities of the fund but in regard to the fund; yes.

Mr. FRASER: Possible projects?

Mr. PAK: Yes.

Mr. FRASER: And did he tell you how the money was being held?

Mr. PAK: No, sir.

Mr. FRASER: Not at all?

Mr. PAK: No.

Mr. FRASER: Did you ever ask him?

Mr. PAK: What kind of question?

Mr. FRASER: Did you ask him if he had a bank account?

Mr. PAK: No; I didn’t ask that.

Mr. FRASER: Weren’t you curious?

Mr. PAK: Well, we operated in trust. I trust in whatever he does. I trust him. That’s the way we operate…

Truth Is My Sword Volume I – Collected Speeches in the Public Arena
by Bo Hi Pak

Fraser Hearings: Fourth Round

General Rebuttal: June 22, 1978

In the June 6 “Statement Regarding Reverend Sun Myung Moon” you recited several allegations and claimed that only Reverend Moon could respond to them. You made it sound as though you had exhausted all other avenues of investigation and only Reverend Moon could provide the information you need. You did this without asking me about most of these matters, most notably the Diplomat National Bank.

In my appearance on April 20 I asked you to allow me to clear up the questions surrounding the Diplomat National Bank. You refused, indicating it was getting late. You know that you don’t have to call Reverend Moon on this subject to learn what he might know about it. You carefully avoided telling the press that Reverend Moon has already testified concerning the Diplomat National Bank before the Securities and Exchange Commission and that you have a complete transcript of his testimony.

Why don’t you ask me about the church’s Korean industries? How can you say only Reverend Moon can answer these questions when you have never bothered to ask me about them? You know what my answers will be. … Only one thing will satisfy you: To put Reverend Moon in your dock and hold him up to the camera lights for ridicule. You want to try to trick him, too. You want to pull out financial records of a decade ago and ask him how can it possibly be that he does not remember all the details. From notes you want to read accusations from faceless accusers whom you will not identify. You also want to use what should be called the Fraser Special—the unsigned summary of an unevaluated intelligence report of an unnamed agency. …

Names of people whom I assisted to obtain loans in order to purchase stock in the Diplomat National Bank have already been submitted to you through my attorney.

Concerning the source of funds, I can tell you, Mr. Chairman, not one penny came from either the KCIA or the Korean government or any other government for that matter. The source of funds was the Unification Church Pension Fund International, which had money here in this country for a long time prior to the birth of the Diplomat National Bank. These funds had been accumulated over many years by the contributions of visiting Unification Church members from around the world. These funds have been set aside for the purpose of settling aged or dedicated members of the Unification Church who served many years without pay.

Control of the bank as has been alleged was never our aim. None of our members ever attended a stockholder’s meeting. I hope this bank will succeed because it is the first Asian-American minority bank established to benefit many suffering Asian citizens in this country. I also wish the bank well so that it will accrue due benefits for our members who invested. The objective was simple: By making this investment we hoped to enable older and dedicated members to have security for their families in the future.


Minions and Master

an extract from Gifts of Deceit by Robert B. Boettcher (pages 144-148)

An army of obedient servants would have to be recruited and trained to restore the Kingdom of Heaven to earth under Sun Myung Moon. They would have to work as people had never before worked because there had never been such a great mission. They would have to go wherever Moon sent them to raise the $300 million he needed for making his project worldwide and the billions more he needed to control the wealth of the planet. But Moon did not have shiploads of chained tribal people at his disposal when he arrived in America in 1971. Involuntary servitude was against the law. Could he make people think they were actually willing to be slaves?

He got the answer he wanted from idealistic American youth. He and they were ready for each other. They were people in the age group eighteen to twenty-four, in transition from adolescence to adulthood, student to professional, getting in or getting out of school, family life to life alone. For one in search of a coherent view of the world, college had the effect of making things more confusing by presenting so many different approaches to life without identifying one as altogether right. In the “real” world, problems abounded, from family disunity to the threat of nuclear destruction. At best, things were in disarray; at worst, life was chaotic, depressing. Such minds were fertile soil. Their idealism was the key. Describe how happy people would be if discord could be turned into harmony. Show how this can be done through unified love for God. Then play on the distance between what a person thinks he is and what he wants to be. Hold up ideals and make him ashamed of not living up to his own standards. Instill ideas of self-worthlessness. Make him feel guilty about putting concern for himself above group unity. The burden of guilt could be lightened by working as a family with others who believe the ideals can be attained here on earth. The family has a father who will lead the way. The harder one works for Father, the closer one gets to achieving the goal. Follow Father. God has shown him alone the path to perfection because he is the Messiah.

Moon taught a clear strategy for attracting prospective converts. Until the prospect is converted, he must not know that a strategy is being used. Later he will appreciate being deceived because the motive was his own salvation. First, all church members must make as many new acquaintances as possible. Befriend them by taking a personal interest; do not disagree with their views, whether right or wrong. Do favors. Find the right style to use on each kind of person. Classify his personality. Introduce him to a church member with a similar personality, but don’t reveal that he is a church member. Meet together like that two or three times. Get into conversations on current issues, ethics, or morality. Then say, “I know where there are many serious young people talking about things like this,” or “I have heard of some lectures about a new philosophy, very sincere, very interesting, talking about the problems of life. I would appreciate it if you would go with me so I can get your opinion on it.” The prospect will pay attention to the lecture because he has been asked for criticism. When he says it was wonderful, say, “Oh, I don’t know. Not necessarily so.” But suggest going again in order to learn more about it.

Chris Elkins was president of his fraternity at the University of Arizona when John Shea, a recent acquaintance, invited him to attend a lecture about something called the One World Crusade. What he heard was philosophical, nonreligious, and interesting. So he went again each week for a month or more. The One World Crusade was explained as a movement encompassing all aspects of life. He was impressed by the magnetism of the lecturer, Dr. Joseph Sheftick. He and his fifteen or twenty followers had an aura of confidence, friendliness, and sincerity. They related well to his own interests and seemed warmly concerned about him. As the lectures progressed, a Korean named Sun Myung Moon was mentioned as a great teacher, but the main stress was on the coming of a Messiah to build heaven on earth. It dawned on Elkins that Sun Myung Moon must be the Messiah in question, although no one had said he was. During dinner with the group one night, he stated that observation. Dr. Sheftick raised his head, sat up straight, and announced, “We have a new brother: Chris Elkins.”

Elkins did not affirm Sheftick’s declaration, nor did he deny it. He simply went along for the time being. In fact, he was seriously considering joining. The goals were so noble: peace and brotherhood at all levels. Fund-raising didn’t appeal to him, but he could swallow it because he felt he and the movement really belonged together. And the people gave him so much love and attention that he couldn’t just say no. His best friend tried to dissuade him. When his family protested, Dr. Sheftick warned that Satanic forces work best through those most loved.

Euphoria prevailed during his honeymoon period with the Moon cult. Then the atmosphere became more serious. Elkins didn’t like fasting and staying up all night praying aloud with the others. After a couple of weeks, it all seemed too heavy. Driving back to Illinois to visit his mother in the hospital, he was in a daze. He tried to think things out. What had he got into? Was this the life for him, separated from the rest of the world? The love … the concern … heaven on earth… . What if Moon was really what they said he was? Could he risk losing what they offered? From Illinois, he called the group. It felt good to hear their voices. He would return.

He resigned as president of the fraternity. The Moonies sent him to Phoenix to fund-raise by selling peanuts on the street. He was still restless because Satanic spirits were at work inside him, so he was grateful that another member was by his side at all times. His parents wanted the car back, but a leader chided him:
“Who needs it more? Your parents or the movement?”

He was learning. The great crusade required everything he had. The attachment to Father must be total, as Father said:

Your whole body, every cell of your body, every movement, every facial motion, even every piece of hair, every ounce of energy must be directed to this one point.

Just as other members were always with him physically, Father was always with him too:

You must live with me spiritually all the time—while you are eating, while you are sleeping, while you are in the bathroom, while you are taking a bath, taking a rest, even in dreams you can be sitting with me and discussing with me. That’s the only way. This is the secret of our movement. Whoever has that basic, fundamental attitude and that spiritual power will perform miracles.

Spiritual regeneration required mental somersaults. What once seemed true was now false. What once seemed unreal was now real. The world Elkins had known since birth was the product of original sin. The fall of Adam opened the floodgates to Satanic spirits, which had inundated the lives of Elkins’s ancestors. If he gave himself to Moon completely, he could rid himself of that awful heritage and be restored…

Book review by Allen Tate Wood

Gifts of Deceit: Sun Myung Moon Tongsun Park and the Korean Scandal,
by Robert Boettcher (with Gordon L. Freedman)
published by Holt, Rinehart & Winston (1980)  ISBN: 978-0030445767

Robert Boettcher’s Gifts of Deceit insightfully and thoroughly documents the activities and findings of the Fraser Committee. This congressional subcommittee (through its 1978 report) on International Organizations opened a window on a world in Washington which many would prefer to see closed forever.

The report of this committee, informally called the Fraser Report, exhaustively documents and details Sun Myung Moon’s role in working to shape American foreign policy. It further names a whole host of characters including American politicians, military leaders, Korean diplomats, former Japanese prime ministers, not to mention President Dwight D. Eisenhower who wittingly or unwittingly wound up acting as agents or surrogates for Sun Myung Moon and his “Unification Church”.

In addition to reading like a first rate who dunnit Boettcher’s book gives the reader a behind the scenes look at official Washington, which to this day has done nothing about the principal findings of the Fraser Committee: namely that the Unification Church has engaged in systematic violations of U.S. law. Banking and currency laws, securities and exchange commission laws, Immigration and naturalization laws and charities fraud laws.

Boettcher’s book is the first book which reveals the global geo-political ambitions of the Moon organization. It is a must for students of foreign relations, students of destructive cults, and for students of the U.S. Constitution – particularly those who take an interest in the first and the thirteenth amendments.
      December 2001

‘Privatizing’ Covert Action: The Case of the Unification Church

Dr. Jeffrey M. Bale   Lobster #21.   May 1991

He is a Faculty Professor in the Graduate School of International Policy and Management at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies (MIIS) LINK

LINK to the article

Gifts of Deceit – Robert Boettcher

Sun Myung Moon: The Emperor of the Universe

Robert Parry’s investigations into Sun Myung Moon

The Fall of the House of Moon – New Republic

Sun Myung Moon and the United Nations

FBI and other reports on Sun Myung Moon

How Moon bought protection in Japan

Politics and religion interwoven

FFWPU human trafficking is despicable

Sun Myung Moon organization activities in South America

The Resurrection of Rev Moon

The six ‘wives’ of Sun Myung Moon

Chris Elkins: Norwegian elkhound rejected by Sun Myung Moon